Post-election reflections: What happens to a dream deferred?

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Thank Black Jesus and all the disciples it’s over.

That’s my first thought in the aftermath of an election that drained my will to believe in the advent of a collective Black agenda. Elections are about people. They’re also about policy decisions. This election was also about defining and redefining what it means to be Black in a city known as the historical hub of Black prosperity.

Yesterday’s primary followed a city council election that seemingly shifted the power of Durham politics. The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP) celebrated the election of Mayor Elaine O’Neal, Mayor Pro Tem Mark-Anthony Middleton, DeDreanna Freeman and Leonardo Williams – all endorsed by the Black political action committee.

DCABP members touted the victory a statement against an agenda to further defund the police. Were we witnessing a historical shift back to DCABP controlling Durham’s political landscape, or was the previous election about more than local endorsements?

The battle for PAC supremacy is what separates Durham from other communities. Durham isn’t trapped in tension between political parties. Republicans are rarely welcomed in Durham’s political culture. Ours is a battle among varied interpretations of what makes a progressive agenda.

What do we learn from yesterday’s election after DCABP taking a major ass whipping? The perception of DCABP assuming PAC supremacy hit the brakes after candidates endorsed by People’s Alliance (PA), Durham Association of Educators (DAE) and Indy Week defeated candidates endorsed by DCABP.

Valerie Foushee defeated Nida Allam in the race for U.S. Congress; however, Allam won in Durham. Foushee’s strength outside of Durham was enough to defeat Allam by more than 16 percent.

What are the lessons for Durham’s Black community?

A Divided Black Agenda

I wonder if the founders of DCABP foresaw a day with multiple Black candidates pitted against each other? The group that met for the first time on August 15, 1935, were called “a committee of influential Negroes”. They drafted a creed to promote voter registration, to run and support candidates who promoted an agenda that benefits Black people and the support of initiative to improve education, health, housing and economic power in the Black community.

Yesterday’s election underscores the complications related to endorsing and electing Black candidates with varied perspectives involving public policies impacting Black life in Durham.

What happens when multiple Black people run for the same office? Some conclude its democracy at its best. It also unveils the mounting tension between electing Black people to office while promoting an agenda reflective of a common Black agenda. The days of naming and supporting Black candidates supported by the DCABP is circumvented by processes outside the control of the Black people gathered with the expressed desire to speak on behalf of other Black people.

The ultimate question regards the ongoing purpose of the DCABP. Black candidates no longer need the affirmation of the DCABP. Is that a good thing? Is it a bad thing, or is it just a thing?

More critical in this conversation is the surfacing of multiple Black led platforms and candidate slates. Voters endured the pressure of campaign workers with varied combinations of Black candidates. Yesterday’s election felt more like a civil war between Black people with different agendas.

This raises another fundamental question. Is it relevant, in 2022, to seek and implement an agenda aimed at addressing concerns of Durham’s Black community? Even more, is it valid to assume such an agenda can only be formed by a community of all Black people? Are the Black people endorsed by PA and DAE doing Black stuff better than the people endorsed by DCABP?

These are sensitive questions best addressed among Black people, but which Black people? Is it time for the Black people endorsed by PA and DAE to hold camp with the Black people endorsed by DCABP? I’m suggesting a massive readjustment related to the construction and implementation of a Black agenda.

As for this current moment, Durham is limited in addressing concerns involving Black people due to a severely divided Black agenda.

Grumbling in the Midst

I’m among the people who cheered when Donald Hughes, candidate for the district 2 school board seat, publicly rejected participating in PA and DAE’s endorsement process. I celebrated even more when Hughes blasted INDY Week for the reporting on the story involving his decision. There’s no doubt his public repudiation of INDY Week ended the possibility of receiving their endorsement.

I rooted for Hughes due to the significance of a possible win. Winning with no endorsement from PA and DAE would significantly speak to the limited power of PAC endorsements. I wished for a win due to the magnitude of that story.

Hughe’s statement introduced a troubling brewing development. Black people, once aligned by allegiance to the DCABP, broke from the ranks. Alternative Black candidates received support from Black people fueled by a variety of issues. Some personal. Some policy based.

The uncivil war presented in public view. District Court Judge Pat Evans failed to receive the endorsement from DCABP. The local press received news leads from people opposing Evans. It became nasty.

The personal mudslinging came from numerous camps. The collateral damage involves the depleted reputation of numerous first-time candidates. Will they be able to run again? Maybe. Does it matter? I sense a more pressing question.

The grumbling in the midst distracts from the importance of a Black agenda. There are no villains in this story beyond the deterioration of Black solidarity. Sadly, there is an absence of heroes charged with the task of rescuing the Black community from the appearance of massive dysfunction.

 Only the Shadow Knows What the Future Holds

Yesterday’s election relates the story of diminished dreams. This is the story about what happens when the determination to win elections takes precedence over the implementation of a progressive Black agenda.

Durham’s Black residents endure the encumbrance of living under the shadow of a once promising future. The life and legacy of Black Durham remains as a collective memory. The former Black Wall Street. Old Hayti with streets laced with successful Black businesses. The pride of Black life in Durham serves the people with the resources to remain glued to their dreams. Left are the disillusioned children with parents with barely enough to pay their bills.

I’m left beholden to a creed established long ago. A vision inspired and nurtured by Black residents.

I pray we’re not witnessing the death of those dreams.

 

How to destroy a Black politician: The LeVon Barnes decision

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“carl, if you are in town this week, I would love to have a sit down with you and learn about the history of Durham politics,” the request was sent on September 5, 2017, by LeVon Barnes at 9:34 a.m. It was the beginning of an ongoing conversation involving politics in Durham.

We met the following day at Coco Cinnamon. It was a pleasant day. He found me outside as I was sipping a glass of yerba mate. We discussed Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, the Black Baptist pastor who marched with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Barnes called Walker his mentor, a point that made it easier for me to understand his passion for politics. My previous conversations with Dr. Walker were a journey into a period of American history when Black men and women did more than stand on the sideline while others fought for their rights.

Dr. Walker was dying. The sadness in the air connected the two of us beyond the galling drama of Durham politics.

The details matter when you’re discussing the political death of a Black man.

Barnes placed his name in the hat as a candidate for the Ward 2 city council seat. Two other Black men, Mark-Anthony Middleton and John Rooks, were also running. Rooks received the endorsement of People’s Alliance’s (PA) Political Action Committee. Rooks was under attack for comments on his questionnaire perceived as homophobic.

Rooks responded with a rebuttal that blamed a staff volunteer for filling out the questionnaire. Barnes attributed the rebuttal as the work of Tom Miller, a PA board member.

PA’s General Body reversed the PAC’s recommendation after Charlie Reece made an impassioned appeal for the group to endorse Mark-Anthony Middleton. It was a contentious meeting with supporters from McDougald Terrance vying for Rooks with members of Congregations, Associations and Neighborhoods (CAN) supporting Middleton. Barnes was left on the outside in a battle between two other Black men lobbying for the support of the powerful, mostly white PAC.

“Off the bat, you need to have a huge, volunteer base. Organizations matter. The best candidate sometimes doesn’t win,” Barnes stated in a message sent to me on October 11, 2017. “Are we really progressive, or do we just talk progressive. A lot of the voting base is not informed, it doesn’t matter what you say, as long as the People Alliance backs you.

It was a precursor of things to come. Barnes ran without the support of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP). He met with Omar Beasley, who served as the chair at the time, and Keith Bishop, a member of DCABP’s executive committee. They advised Barnes not to run. They felt more time was needed to build relationships.

I gave the same advice. Barnes was sprinting in a race that required the endurance of a long-distance runner. He was determined not to give up.

“Meaning I would love to be someone who is remembered for being a culture changer here,” he wrote on October 24, 2017. “Whose leadership transcends all people, because it was pure, and it was about people. I guess like a Wyatt Tee Walker or Dr. King.”

The Decision

Fast forward to “The Decision”.

That’s the title Barnes gave to episode #26 on his "Unapologetic Podcast". “The Decision” was to endorse Charlie Reece, Jillian Johnson and Javiera Cabellero for city council rather than Joshua Gunn, his fraternity brother. The trio branded themselves as Bull City Together and hoped their experience as incumbents on the city council would be enough to defeat Gunn, a popular Durham native.

Barnes filed as a candidate in a crowded field for the Durham Board of County Commissioners. The word circulating was Barnes endorsed the Bull City Together slate in exchange for their promised endorsement.

“Man, it’s getting harder to defend you,” I stated in a message sent to Barnes on December 30, 2019. “Tell me it all isn’t true. A fundraiser for you being planned by Charlie, Jillian, and Javier. The promise of a PA endorsement.”

“Anything to take me out. I’m sorry, but my level of disgust is real. Somebody is going to believe it,” Barnes responded. “Plus, you know when something like that is said it runs deeper than just an election.”

On Thursday, October 21, Barnes bared his soul on his podcast. He took every question and criticism I launched to get at the truth. We talked about his tarnished reputation. We discussed his being called a sellout by some people in the Black community. He also shared the burden of it all – the loss of a girlfriend and contemplating suicide.

The exchange was part confessional coupled with the offering of redemption. A big mistake was made. Barnes talked about the mistakes.

He agreed to work on Reece’s campaign due to their relationship. Barnes, a physical education teacher and basketball coach, received funding from Reece and his wife for Young Male Achievers, his nonprofit organization.

Barnes was serving as Co-Chair of the DCABP Education Committee with Dr. Ronda Taylor Bullock when he agreed to work with Reece. He failed to divulge his involvement with members of the DCABP. Working on a political campaign was a violation of the organization’s bylaws.

Barnes says he felt justified after the DCABP endorsed Reece for city council. The moment of his critical decision came when he was told Reece would campaign with Cabellero and Johnson. He continued to work on the campaign after learning of Gunn’s candidacy.

He told members of the Bull City Together team he wouldn’t engage in supporting negative statements made about his fraternity brother. The promise was challenged after a heated exchange at the August 21, 2019, PA endorsement meeting. Rodrigo Dorfman was concerned that an endorsement of Gunn would leave Cabellero without the support she needed to continue as the first Latina to serve on the council.

Barnes says he heard the exchange between Dorfman and Nia Wilson, co-director of SpiritHouse, and Michelle Cotton Laws, who challenged David Price for U.S. Congress. During a meeting a few days later called to address concerns related to the exchange, Barnes says he fought for some form of censure due to the attack on two Black women.

He continued to serve on the Bull City Together campaign. There was an opportunity to bow out. He was being compensated for his work. He honored his promise to Reece.

What followed was a rapid regression that placed him on the outside of Durham’s Black politically engaged community. He made a decision that hampered his relationships with members of Alpha Phi Alpha, the fraternity he shares with Gunn and a pack of local Black pastors. His role with the DCABP was over.

He lost his bid to join the Durham Board of County Commissioners. He fought for Reece, his friend who convinced him to work on his campaign. Reece didn’t fight on behalf of Barnes when he needed endorsements. Cabellero and Johnson left him to contend on his own.

The price he paid was isolation and rejection.

Barnes says he doesn’t feel used. It sounds like he was played like keys on a piano. The music is a broken record of another Black man sacrificed for promoting the wishes of others not willing to repay the favor.

Is it worth it?

Barnes played a game like the one played by Pierce Freelon. The puzzle involving how Freelon won a seat on the city council has pieces that fit a narrative of gains made after walking away from the Black community. Freelon may point to policies aimed at abolishing the police. Black leaders point to crafty maneuvering after failing to endorse Farad Ali for Mayor and Gunn, another homegrown Black man who, like Freelon, is a hip-hop recording artist.

Barnes says he considered suicide after his friends walked away – his girlfriend, members of the DCABP, and the Bull City Together team. He took a bullet for their political cause. When he suffered from the wound, they weren’t there to offer CPR.

I saw Barnes walking, alone, at the Black Farmers Market on a sunny Sunday afternoon. It was months after he lost the election and word of his perceived treason flooded conversations in the Black community. He was wearing an Alpha Phi Alpha jacket – alone. In that moment, I thought of Gunn, who, at the time, was a partner of Provident1898, the co-working space in the North Carolina Mutual building. The farmer’s market was held in the NC Mutual parking lot. It was hard not to make the connection.

There was a sadness on his face. It was the look of dejection that comes with attempts to overcome a bad decision. I thought of stopping. I didn’t. Maybe, it was too soon. Maybe, it was too late.

What’s next?

I believe in redemption stories. Barnes isn’t 40, yet. There’s time to overcome the misfortune of a bad decision. I’m reminded we all make mistakes. It’s much harder when mistakes are made in public view. There was a moment in the podcast. It was a constant thread of moments, like a great chain of consciousness beckoning a pain deeper than things imagined finding peace. I felt the call of ancestors commissioning the burning of white sage and a bawl of deep unto deep.

I felt the presence of Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, like a descending angel, reminding me of a greater calling. The work of wounded spirits and souls harmed by bad decisions caught me in the middle of Barnes’ confession. I’m reminded that my work with Black men and women rebuffs the urge to throw the gifts of life away. There was merit in Barnes’ confession beyond the work of a political office. I heard every word as a symbol of grace. Each word. Like moans in search of redemption.

The lesson

It pains me that Barnes was treated like disposable goods. His yearning to make a difference was used to manipulate him into serving members of the Bull City Together team. There complicity may not be intentional, but the outcome is irrevocable – like the last rights before the last breath.

These are lessons on how to destroy a Black politician. You cover him with promises. You surround him with perceived validation. You seduce him with promises of a better way on the other side of political visions. You suck the life from those dreams after a perpetual season of disappointment - no endorsements to match the passion.

It looks like gold on the other side of those hills. It’s fools’ gold. Don’t go there, because it gets lonely after the promise fades into the truth of being manipulated into carrying the heavy load of their tainted victory.

I welcomed Barnes back home.

Join me in the reunion.

 

 

Activism: More than a photo opp

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Commentary: carl w. kenney ii

The world I knew completely changed on the day I met Alexandra Valladares.

A life limited by eyes wide shut took a blink to discover a world with unmeasured dimension. I knew the multiple shades of blackness and the beats and rhythms inspiring me to dance. I knew the oasis of Black love and the tender strokes of my Black mama’s love whenever sadness shifted to depression. I understood the power of collective memories and the call of the ancestors beckoning me to keep moving when troubles got in my way.

Still, something was missing.

I felt a divide created by distance, language, culture, and complicated histories. I felt the challenge of telling untold stories with a firm understanding of the life and witness of Brown people. I had to admit what I didn’t know. It’s difficult telling stories without discernment of lessons limited to articles and Facebook postings.

We met at a local coffeehouse. I began by telling Alexandra I wanted to write a story for Durham Magazine about the experiences of Latina’s living in Durham. Five minutes later, I told her I wanted to write a series of articles. Ten minutes later, I told her she needed to write about her experience. Finally, 30 minutes later, I begged her to run for office.

I fought back tears as she talked about jumping the fence to enter America after escaping the hardship of Honduras. She shared her experience of living in McDougald Terrace, graduating from Hillside High School and North Carolina Central University. She disclosed being a single parent after getting married young, enduring a divorce, and doing her best to be a mother in a system packed with limitations.

We discussed the burden of advocacy - the brutal pain related to witnessing parents struggle to communicate feelings when language barriers get in the way.

Again, I begged her to run for office.

It was complicated.

After fighting to secure a spot on the Durham City Council for Javiera Cabellero, I witnessed the disappointment when Cabellero failed to endorse Alexandra. She didn’t complain. It wasn’t mentioned, but, I wondered, why not. I watched as advocates of Latina inclusion on the city council failed to acknowledge the importance of the same on the board of education. I noted the extreme contradiction, prayed, and prepared for a better day.

The answer to that prayer was to build and promote a Black and Brown coalition. The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People endorsed Alexandra over Steve Unruhe, a popular and competent member of the school board. Alexandra narrowly received the endorsement of People’s Alliance. Some of the members of People’s Alliance were infuriated and responded with a vicious counterattack.

I met new brothers and sisters. I listened to Ivan Almonte tell the story and reasons for his activism. I developed a bond with Sandro A Mendoza, another brother from another mother, who teaches me new lessons every time I shake his hand. My respect for Aidil Ortiz grew more as I watched her interact with my Brown brothers and sisters with a grace brewed after years of listening to each other talk about life in the Bull City.

My celebration of Alexandra’s placement on the Durham Public School’s Board of Education is because it matters. Not just because she’s Latina, but because she represents what it means to build an authentic Black and Bown coalition. She exemplifies activism with the people.

My work with Alexandra, Aidil, Sandro and Ivan imparts lessons in listening. They help me think critically about the massive assumptions people make regarding inclusion. Genuine inclusion happens with the people. It’s not a photo opp. It doesn’t seek the affirmation of people not impacted by the labor. It’s not engineered by out-of-town activism with ripples of contributions from people who never stepped foot in the community. It’s not the ideological vision of state and national directives formed in isolation from the people who live both night and day with blockades limiting pure inclusion.

My Brown brothers and sisters teach me lessons about the purity of love and community. This is the work they do because the survival of their neighbors depends on their success. They do it when no one is watching. They do it with limited resources and the lack of consistent affirmation.

I think of them when I witness the influx of endorsements and campaign material from organizations with limited Durham connections. I listen to them as they remind me of the work done with and for the people. I pray when I consider the privilege of support afforded the people who walk and talk with the advantage of Latino class privilege.

Not my words and thoughts. It’s the message taught when eyes, once wide shut, blinks twice to discover a world of unmeasurable dimension.

I see the world in Black and Brown. Shades of white are welcome.

 

Is this a message from Durham voters: Part 2

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Data collected by University of Oklahoma Associate Professor Andrea Benjamin tells a story regarding a potential radical shift in Durham politics. For more than a decade, winning municipal elections is the result of valuable endorsements from People’s Alliance, The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, The Friends of Durham, and the Indy Week - a local newspaper.

The influence of local political action committees has expanded to include the Durham Association of Educators, Durham4All, and other emerging political players. The power of the PACs has taken on a life of its own, making Benjamin’s thesis – the influence of endorsements in deciding elections – the most critical work of a local campaign team.

It’s only a primary, but could Durham be amid a radical shift?

Referendum of Political Action Committees

Many residents express lingering concerns regarding candidate endorsements. The legitimacy of People Alliance’s endorsement of Javier Cabellero for Mayor, Marion Teniade Johnson for City Council Ward 1, and A.J. Williams for City Council for Ward 3 is perceived to be the outcome of a takeover. Concerns include the influence of voters who don’t reside in Durham, and an agenda packed with the platforms of Durham4All, Durham Beyond Policing, Southern Vision Alliance, and Durham Association of Educators.

The dominance of People’s Alliance over the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People shifted when IndyWeek broke with a longstanding tradition by not endorsing the same slate as People’s Alliance. The IndyWeek endorsement singles, for many, a divide within the ranks of Durham’s white progressive community.

Balanced Approach to Law Enforcement

When Cabellero, Jillian Johnson and Charlie Reece united to campaign as the Bull City Together Team, it came with a platform that includes massive police reform. Many voters’ express concerns that a disagreement regarding funding to support additional police impacted Police Chief C.J Davis’s decision to accept the job as head of the Memphis, TN police department.

Efforts to defund Durham’s police department is met with resistance during an uptick in gun violence. Cabellero, Johnson and Reece are viewed as a team determined to add Marion T. Johnson and A.J. Williams to abolish the police, a goal communicated by members of Durham Beyond Policing.

Meanwhile, O’Neal, a respected former district and superior court judge, is trusted by many to have the skills and experience to lead balanced conversations regarding criminal justice reform.

Checks, Balances and Conflicts of Interest

Many Durham voters express concerns regarding a city council without disagreement.

DeDreana Freeman, Ward 1 incumbent, is criticized for raising questions related to accountability in her votes regarding affordable housing. Freeman’s concerns are consistent with many of her constituents.

“DeDreana Freeman was targeted by Jillian [Johnson] precisely for her independence and for telling the truth,” Sherri Zann Rosenthal, a former deputy city attorney, posted recently on Facebook. Rosenthall was assigned to handle issues within the Housing and Community Development Department. “DeDreana voted against the so-called Expanding Housing Choices ordinance and was the only member of the Council to do so. That ordinance was wrapped in the cloak of anti-racism and affordable housing but actually did nothing for either of those goals.”

As part of her work as a longtime senior city attorney, Rosenthall legally structured the city’s affordable housing and loan programs. Rosenthall says the ordinance approved by the city council opened historic neighborhoods to developers.

“Jillian had a vested interest in the passage of this ordinance, as she planned to build a rental duplex,” Rosenthal continued. “The duplex plan was already submitted to the Historic Preservation Commission (HPC) prior to the Council and Commission vote to pass the HPC ordinance. She didn’t disclose her personal interest, and she didn’t recuse herself.”

Rosenthal says Steve Schewel is part of a real estate LLC with family members, and Vernetta Alston formed a real estate LLC while still a member of the Durham City Council. Alston is currently shown in the North Carolina Secretary of State database as being associated with three real estate develop entities. Alston currently serves as a member of the North Carolina House of Representatives

The Rev-elution reporting on the Participatory Budgeting process lifted concerns related to Jillian Johnson’s influence in the process. Johnson championed Participatory Budgeting and served as the city council representative on the steering committee. A.J. Williams, a candidate for city council, serves as the Director of Incubation and Ideation Labs for Southern Vision Alliance where Johnson is the Co-Chair of the Board of Directors and the former Director of Operations and Chief Financial Officer. Williams is a member of the steering committee.

Marion T. Johnson, a candidate for city council, serves as the Chair of the Participatory Budgeting Steering Committee after working as a member of Johnson’s campaign team. Susan E. Goodman, the mother of Paul Bendich, Johnson’s partner, also served on the steering committee. The Participatory Budgeting Committee awarded Southern Vision Alliance, the nonprofit organization where Johnson serves as co-chair, $50,000, the maximum allowed during the Phase 2, 2021 budget cycle.

Commitment to Racial Equity

Many residents point to O’Neal’s work as the Co-Chair of Durham’s Racial Equity Task Force and Freeman’s work as Co-Chair of Episcopalians United Against Racism. Both groups offer convincing leadership before and after Durham County Commissioners failed to extend the contract of former County Manager Wendell Davis.

During a period of increased racial hostility, some members of the Durham City Council publicly supported Durham County Commissioner Heidi Carter after Davis wrote a letter addressing comments that he perceived to be racist. When Cabellero supported the decision not to extend Davis’ contract, based on an assessment that he failed to support public education, many Black residents viewed her comments to be an intrusion into county government affairs.

Notwithstanding Cabellero’s perspective regarding Davis’ failure to support education funding, many local voters are seeking a leadership style that advances the recommendations of the Durham Racial Equity Task Force report.

Are Durham Voters Making a Statement?

Benjamin’s statement in part 1 holds true. There isn’t enough evidence to formulate a conclusion. Things could shift over the next thirty days, when votes are cast in the General Election on November 2.

What we do know is close to 70% of Durham voters supported O’Neal, Freeman, and Middleton in the primary. Will that translate in the General Election? Will Durham voters select A.J. Williams, who is supported by Johnson and Cabellero, or Leonardo Williams, who is campaigning with Freeman and Middleton.

One thing is clear. This is a clash of opposing ideas like Durham has never seen during my time in the city.

 

Outside organizations' influence on Durham's municipal election

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commentary - People don’t like outsiders intruding in their business. The phrase “mind your own business” is commonly spoken to remind people to keep their nose out of other folks’ affairs.

The refrain can be heard after members of Durham4All, a Durham based grassroots political organization, put out a call for people to join a Zoom meeting from anywhere. In response, people from across the state joined in a conversation involving Durham’s municipal election.

Questions linger regarding who Durham4All will use in their phone banking efforts. Are they registered Durham voters? Is Durham4All call on groups with limited ties to Durham responded to campaign on behalf of their endorsed candidates.

Durham4All reached out to:

Down Home, Inc, a new organizing project with locations in Alamance, Cabarrus, Haywood, Jackson, and Madison counties.

Equality NC, North Carolina’s oldest organization dedicated to LGBTQIA rights with locations across the state.

Guilford For All, supports families living in Brown Summit, Gibsonville, Greensboro, High Point, Jamestown, McLeansville, Oak Ridge, Summerfield, Stokesdale, Sedalia, and Whitsett.

North Carolina Association of Educators, advocates for educators across the state.

New Hanover For All, is based in New Hanover County.

NC Raise Up, is North Carolina’s branch of the fight for $15 minimum wage and a union.

Siembra, a statewide organization, with offices in Durham, was born in 2017 in response to Donald Trump’s war on immigrants.

“We’ll listen to our neighbors around the state to hear about the problems impacting them, the solutions that speak to them, and the visions that inspire them,” New Hanover for All submitted in their call to action. “Then we’ll propose, discuss, and vote on policies to win a North Carolina that works for all of us.”

New Hanover for All’s appeal listed the group eligible to vote:

·         Guilford for All

·         New Hanover for All

·         Forsyth Freedom Federation

·         Durham for All

·         People’s Alliance

·         Bull City Tenants United

·         Down Home NC

·         NC Raise Up

·         Siembra

·         North Carolina Association of Educators

Notwithstanding the important work these organizations do in mobilizing across North Carolina, there are critical questions related to how they intersect and utilize outside resource to impact municipal elections. What are the consequences related to Durham for All, People’s Alliance, Durham Association of Educators, and Bull City Tenants United meeting to discuss a statewide agenda with implications on local governance?

For organizers dedicated to placing government in the hands of the people, developing a statewide plan is a good thing. For the people committed to government being shaped by the people who live in the city, it’s a bad thing.

Most important is the façade of inclusion. These groups assume relationships with Black and Brown people. They galvanize support based on a progressive platform – defunding police, advancing a $15 minimum wage, immigrant protections, unionization, and tenant rights. The question remains, do they really represent and empower the people they claim to serve?

These organizations identify, train, and support people to run for local office. They aren’t interested in playing the usual game. They want to change the rules. This is the essence of politics. They’re building new structures to control the game, and they’re moving beyond the limits of a municipal election.

They’re not breaking rules. They’re changing the way politics is won in North Carolina. Some people don’t like it. Others point to how party politics has controlled the game. We could argue the legitimacy of their work in representing the people they claim to support. That’s true with most political action groups. Most organizations are more mission statement and a power point presentation than nitty gritty, hands-on activist work.

Durham voters will soon select a mayor and representatives on the city council. This year’s election represents new challenges for voters. It’s not just the candidates. They’re voting on ideologies related to political systems. Will voters endorse the authority of local voters, or will they welcome a statewide and national movement to redefine government?

If they adopt the strategy of an emerging mandate, the power and influence of residents may be compromised by a well-financed movement to change government.

You decide.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Rev-elution Durham municipal election endorsements: First up, Mayor

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Getting the endorsement results from Durham political action committees is like watching a beauty contest. The winner is based on the eyes of the beholders. The political action committees want us to believe tremendous thought went into the process, but it often comes down to who best fits the swimming suit.

In Durham, political action committees have ruled the outcome of elections. It’s that truth that provoked my desire to play the endorsement game. While Durham’s People Alliance and Durham Association of Educators tag team against the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, words like progressive, inclusion and gentrification are used in a battle for the soul of the city. It’s hard to win when the larger more financed groups join forces to offset the agenda of a group formed to consider the affairs of Black people.

My criterion for endorsement considers more than where people stand on the political sphere. I’m bearing in mind my perception of what Durham residents need most. Durham is damaged. Durham is broken due to contradictory ideologies. Durham is fractured by divergent perspective regarding the role racism plays in public policy decisions. The battles are intense, and Durham needs politicians capable of modeling leadership that comprises more than the sentiments of the people on their team. That’s how I see the bathing suit.

This process has been grueling due to how deeply winning for the home team is imbedded into local political culture. Most of the players are defined by the game. The fray for political supremacy outweighs a measured approach to government. As difficult as the task has been, my endorsements, and statements reflecting the rationale behind these endorsements, reflects weeks of reading, hearing, and analyzing hours of statements from candidates. It also contemplates Durham history and recent events.

These recommendations aren’t made in a vacuum. In considering the merits of service as members of the city council, I’ve thought critically about how each candidate can potentially hinder collective healing or move us beyond the chaos entrenched in decades of political maneuvering.

Mayor

Seven people are running for Mayor – Rebecca Harvard Barnes, Charlitta Burruss, Javiera Caballero, Sabrina “Bree” Davis, Jahnmaud Lane, Elanie O’Neal and Daryl Quick. I respect the rights of all citizens to participate in the electoral process; however, five candidates are excluded based on their lack of experience and perceived understanding regarding what the job entails.

Elaine O’Neal and Javiera Caballero are running on the strength of strong endorsements from former Durham mayors. It was no surprise that William V. “Bill Bell, who served as mayor for 16 years (2001-2017), endorsed O’Neal based on her long service as a judge and dean of the North Carolina Central University Law School. Many residents were disappointed when current Mayor Steve Schewel endorsed Caballero. Given Schewel’s work and relationship with O’Neal, many assumed he would sit this one out. The perception that Schewel’s endorsement is a slap in the face of Black residents is based on his public support of Heidi Carter, and his tenure as a former member and vice-chair of the Durham Board of Public Schools. Schewel’s popularity as Durham’s mayor has been fraught with tension among some Black residents who never embraced his leadership.

My endorsement considers a trend that minimizes the integrity of the election process. The previous two elections have ended with members of the city council adding a new member. After Caballero replaced Schewel, Pierce Freelon replaced Vernetta Alston after she was elected to replace Maryann Black in the state senate.

It also matters that Caballero campaigned as part of the Jillian Johnson, Charlie Reece team. The public perception related to the dangers of their collective force significantly impacts my endorsement decision. Their vocal intrusion in the affairs of the Board of County Commissioners and the Board of Education massively impacts potential reconciliation after months of contention before and after the termination of former Durham County Manager Wendell Davis.

On February 19, 2010, Caballero released a statement endorsing Heidi Carter after the leaked email from County Manager Wendell Davis. The healing of Durham demands a critical gaze at how comments made by Caballero, Johnson, Reece and Schewel are heard and felt by Black residents. The combined efforts of the city council coalition energize a perception regarding a lack of sensitivity to the affairs of Black citizens.

My endorsement measures the valued work of Caballero as a member of the city council. Her support of LA Pulguita de la Avondale, when there were efforts to force vendors off the property, is significant and models inclusive governance for other elected leaders. She stood in solidarity with Durham’s immigrant community to block Senate Bill 101 and House Bill 62. Her leadership on the city council in advocating on behalf of local artist speaks to the significant role she plays in listening to and learning from citizens.

I endorse O’Neal not because Caballero lacks the qualities of leadership essential in service as mayor. My decision is based on: (1) concerns regarding granting the city council authority to select her replacement after doing so after the two previous elections., (2) Comments in support of Heidi Carter and the termination of Wendell Davis that intensified racial hostility, and (3) apprehensions among many residents that the block agenda of current and potential members of the council will have implications regarding balanced governance.

My endorsement of O’Neal considers her work as co-chair of Durham’s Racial Equity Task Force. The recommendations of the task force have implications on the management of both city and county government and offers a blueprint for shifting the culture of hostility. O’Neal participation in constructing antiracism procedures is best juxtaposed against the public actions of members of the city council who placed themselves in the middle of an already overwhelming hostile situation.

If Durham residents truly honor the values on diversity, equity, and inclusion, they will make Elaine O’Neal mayor while honoring and supporting the continued work of Javiera Caballero as an at-large representative on the city council. Together, work can be done to alter the perceptions keeping Durham entangled in massive confusion.

Next up: Ward 1

Race relations in Durham hindered by an unwillingness to listen

What happens when people can’t listen?

It’s the first step on a journey into dangerous territory.  Race relations in Durham are taking a radical swing in the wrong direction.  It doesn’t have to be that way.  The trend could shift if people would think before jumping to conclusions.

That applies to everyone.

In my recent blog (The People’s Alliance racist ways not viewed as racist), I suggested the actions of the People’s Alliance, a prominent political group in Durham, are perceived as racist by many within Durham’s black community.  I was careful to state that those actions are not intended to be racist.

Defenders of the People’s Alliance quickly blamed me for pulling the race card.

“Everything appears to be based on race to you,” an anonymous reader responded. “Until we can move past that, there will be no harmony in Durham.”

“It seems you are making very unfair and even dangerous assumptions fanning flames that aren’t there,” the reader continues.  Is it unfair to expose perceptions, and to note how those perceptions are hindering race relations in Durham?  Would it be best not to talk about race because of how it makes people feel uncomfortable, or are we better served by exposing the budding of problems that can be checked if people would simply listen?

The hope of my posts related to race issues in Durham is to build a bridge broken by assumption on both sides of the river.  Critics of my recent post fail to understand the deep implications attached to the conclusion of their attack – you shouldn’t talk about race.  You should refrain from discussing race matters even when a community is being fractured due to a lack of understanding.

People should take a pause in defending what they can’t change.  I’ve indicated the issue at hand is due to a perception.  Never has it been implied that the People’s Alliance is a racist organization.  What is clear, given comments I’ve received from black leaders in Durham, is a deep perception that the People’s Alliance functions with little regard to how their actions impact blacks in Durham.

That perception can’t be fixed if leaders of the People’s Alliance continue to defend what is rooted in perception.  The point is not to prove a point, but to listen to those who feel alienated by their actions.  The People’s Alliance should be asking, “What can we do to hear what you feel? How can we improve upon creating an environment that isn’t perceived as racist?”

Rather than asking those questions, the response has been a counter-attack.  I’ve heard the defense, “members of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People do the same thing”.  I’ve heard, “It’s not us, it’s you.”  There is validity to both assertions; however, the response of members of the black community is rooted in a history of oppression, not privilege.

Members of the People’s Alliance have stood by the position that they have an open membership, and that the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People is racist due to not allowing white participation. That response negates the historical significance of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, and the fact that the organization continues to function to honor and protect the cause of blacks in Durham.  Negating the significance of that role is perceived as racist.

It is perceived as racist, again I say perceived, when a person attacks a black person for raising the issue of racism.  This is most notable when the purpose behind raising the issues is to foster dialogue, understanding and reconciliation.  In attacking a blog that attempted to communicate from a place in the middle, defenders of the People’s Alliance have communicated a troubling trend. That trend gets at the heart of race matters in Durham – that there is no place to truly talk about race in a way that moves the community past the tension created by undo perception.

The People’s Alliance claims to be group that represents all the citizens of Durham.  It’s clear they seek to be that place, but their response to matters involving race make it clear they are not prepared to do the hard work to fulfill that mission.  Community can’t be built when people refuse to listen.  That “we don’t care what you think” attitude feeds into the perception that many have about white liberals.

It would help if white liberals had the benefit of conversations black people have when they are not around to listen.  The problem isn’t limited to the ways of white liberals.  It’s the lack of a real conversation that limits progress.  It would help if white liberals would think before they speak.

The defenders of the People’s Alliance’s agenda show up on my Facebook page.  Sometimes it’s hard to read what they say.  Their comments expose conversations people have behind closed doors, and how so much of what they think is based on perceptions.

“There are many reasons to distrust the 751 Developers, including the formation of Durham’s first “Super PAC” and their gifting of a Toyota Prius to all the 2012 candidates for the Durham County Commissioners who were flexible on the 751 South Development,” Dov Rosenberg wrote.” Naturally, the Durham People’s Alliance didn’t endorse any candidate who received free cars from the 751 South Developers.”

Rosenberg’s outlandish reaction fuels the perception black people have of the People’s Alliance.  Is it racist? No. Does it have racial implications? Yes. Why? Because those who are accused of receiving cars for support are all black, and the People’s Alliance and the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People are at war due to perceptions involving race.

Many of my readers may not like the truth, but it’s something that must be heard.  If not, expect a city divided even more due to race.

As I said in my previous blog, Durham can’t afford to move backwards. Too much hard work has gone into becoming a tolerant city.  You can’t move forward if you refuse to listen.

Don’t blame me. I’m simply the messenger of the truth.

Deal with it!

People's Alliance racist ways not viewed as racist

Here we go again.  The appointment to City Councilman Mike Woodard’s Ward 3 seat may come down to the candidate’s views on south Durham development. 

In a recent article that appeared in the Durham Herald-Sun (Daniels, Moffitt differ on south Durham, December 15), Ray Gronberg, reporter for the Herald-Sun, stressed the differences between the top contenders for the seat.

Don Moffitt is commended for being transparent on his approach to south Durham development, while Anita Daniels is presented as being “non-committal on 751 and “open to compromise” on Southpoint trails.

Daniels notes that the city “has other critical issues” that merit the attention of the city council. Responses were lifted from the questionnaire of People’s Alliance, a political group willing to do all they can to assure candidates agree with their anti-growth agenda.

Gronberg fails to mention he pulled quotes from the PA questionnaire.  He simply mentions they came from one of the big-three political groups.  Failure to mention PA is relevant to the discussion due to the passion of the group.  Put another way, the PA is part of the story.

“Her ‘other critical issues’ comment to the People’s Alliance echoed the tack adopted in the fall general-election campaign by unaffiliated petition candidate Omar Beasley, who professed neutrality on 751 South,” Gronberg writes. 

The article feeds fuel to the game that is being played by members of PA.  It is a dangerous game that needs to be checked.  Gronberg’s comments seemingly align Daniels and her intentions with Beasley.

“Critics doubted his (Beasley) neutrality and just after the election he reported having received $2,000 in campaign contributions from the businessman who launched the 751 South efforts, Neal Hunter,” Gronberg writes. 

The mention of Beasley has nothing to do with the story other than in swaying readers into believing Daniels and Beasley are hiding their pro-growth position. Gronberg, and PA, assert that Daniels can’t be trusted because she is unwilling to tell them what they want to hear. If Beasley did it, Daniels will do the same.  Sounds like that’s what black people do.

That is a shameful suggestion that is rooted; forgive me for saying it, under the guise of racial politics.  Growth in southern Durham has become a war that pits the anti-growth PA against black contenders seeking to make a decision after enduring a credible process. PA has been unwilling to concede the merits that come with making a decision after reading, studying and listening to all sides. Those unwilling to sign their name in blood need not apply for a PA endorsement.

Daniels makes a point that members of PA can’t hear.  The issue before Durham is not limited to growth in southern Durham.  Massive growth in the inner city core impacts the quality of life in ways that is often overlooked.  There are issues in Durham beyond southern Durham development.

“Some Durham residents who reside in rural areas want more development, while persons who reside in the inner city are concerned about overcrowding and crime, both of which negatively affect the quality of life,” Gronberg quotes Daniels from the PA questionnaire.

Aggressive inner city development doesn’t impact our ecosystem, but it does have implications among those who are troubled by the increase in population within the city.  As PA, and other critics of southern development, maximizes efforts to defeat those unwilling to take a position on southern development, we should be careful not to forget decisions that impact the rest of the city.

The problem with PA is n how they have demonized candidates for both the city council and Board of County Commissioners.  I’m certain it’s not intentional, but deep wounds have been created by a lack of sensitivity related to how comments and positions are viewed.  By suggesting that Daniels is doing the same as Beasley, what is heard is black people can’t be trusted. 

It’s one of those things hindering relationships between blacks and whites.  The problem is a failure to communicate.  Members of PA are doing hard work in protecting their political interest. In doing so, they take the risk of alienating a community that is overly sensitive due to a series of assumptions and allegations about the motives of black candidates.

The PA’s position of “we won’t support you unless you tell us how you will vote” is a credible approach.  All political action groups have the right to stand by their positions.  The failure of PA is in how they have categorized those unwilling to dance to their drum beat.  To suggest they can’t be trusted digs at the integrity of those who serve.

That is a tough pill to swallow when those candidates are black.  In calling them liars and deceivers, they feed into a racist history that demonizes black people.  It’s a truth they can’t hear due to the passion they bring to the issue.

Yes, it’s racist. No, they don’t intend for it to be racist.

Like I said, someone needs to stop the madness.  If not, the politics of Durham will never see the light of day beyond the color of those who vote.

Wagstaff's selection is black folk's business

On last night, Jackie Wagstaff was named chair of the Political Committee of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People.  She defeated Andre Vann in a vote that wasn’t close.

The selection of Wagstaff triggered an avalanche of responses regarding the merits of Wagstaff holding the powerful position. “With Jackie Wagstaff as the new chair of the DCABP, do we really expect that this PAC is interested in coming to the table and truly working together with the likes of the PA?,” an anonymous reader posted on this blog.

Critics of the DCABP have been quick to point to Wagstaff’s past as a member of the City Council and School Board.  They are slow in forgetting her attack of white school board members for failing to take the needs of black students into account at board meetings.  Wagstaff’s name has become synonymous with in your face.

So, why would the DCABP select her to chair the political committee?

The conclusion is simple.  She was the best among those being considered to serve.  Wagstaff understands politics.  She knows Durham.  She’s present and involved in the process, and, more than most in the room, she has a heart for the underserved in Durham.

I’ll pause to give readers a chance to regroup after reading that statement.  It’s true that I have been a critic of Wagstaff over the years.  I’ve blasted her for building a wedge between the white and black community.  I was disappointed in Wagstaff after working with her to form the North East Central Durham Reinvestment Board.  I had great faith in Wagstaff, and I lost it for a season.

My criticism of Wagstaff never, and I do mean never, diminished my respect for her and the work she continues to do.  We disagreed over strategy, but her heart has always been in the right place.   That’s why I see great promise in her taking on the role of political chair for the DCABP.

That’s a statement that will be met with great pause among those seeking love and harmony between the DCABP and the People’s Alliance.  I, more than most, would love to see the groups form a coalition that solidifies a progressive agenda for Durham.  Sadly, that opportunity has been hindered by a series of actions among members of PA.

What does all of this mean?  The DCABP refuses to be minimized and defined by the PA’s political agenda.  It’s become clear that members of the PA feel a sense of entitlement that frankly pisses black folks off.  The DCABP will not be defined, informed or measured by the political agenda and opinion of white people who are upset because they were incapable of getting their way.

That statement is not intended to alienate those who desire diversity in leadership.  However, it is critical in this conversation that members of the PA refrain from throwing stones in rooms where they can’t walk in due to a long legacy of insensitivity rooted in race.

Wagstaff has been chosen because the black people in the room embrace what she brings to the table.  That’s a conclusion that has more to do with the strengths she brings than the hotheaded reputation that has plagued her over the years.  Put another way, there is much more to Wagstaff than what appears in the newspaper.  She deserves to lead.

It’s interesting how many criticize the DCABP for not allowing them in the room.  A more important question should be why should they be allowed in when they lack the ability to see beyond their assumptions?  How dare they assume they have all the answers while the stupid, uninformed black folks lack the organizational structure necessary to make a credible decision?

The bottom line related to the conversation of Wagstaff being chosen is simple.  The DCABP doesn’t care what others think.  It’s an organization involved in the affairs of black people.  It’s called that for a reason.  Yes, we need to coexist, but that will never happen within a context that demands forfeiting everything to satisfy the desire of that other PAC.

The DCABP remains faithful to the vision of its founders.  Yes, it has been rocky over the years.  Yes, too much energy has been dominated by the ways of the former chair.  Yes, mistakes have been made, but the DCABP is the only organization accountable to those decisions.  Not the PA. Not the newspaper and not even me!

Wagstaff has been chosen to lead the political committee of the DCABP.  She was not chosen by a band of lunatics.  She was chosen by people committed to the mandates of the organization.  Those on the outside may not like it, but that’s none of their business.

I suggest a deeper conversation involving how we got to this place.  That can’t happen if those who talk about unity keep digging ditches and calling it love.