ICMA closes investigation against Durham County Manager Wendell Davis: A case study in white privilege

Letting go of white privilege is knowing when to give up the fight. It involves not having to be right. It owns how implicit bias interferes with judgement.  

The evidence presented to members of the Durham Board of County Commissioners sends a clear message regarding potential bias against Durham County Manager Wendell Davis. 

In a letter dated July 1, 2020, the International City/County Management Association dismisses all charges against Davis of ethics violations submitted to the association in an anonymous complaint. The complaint was in response to the February 11 letter Davis sent to Durham County Commissioner Heidi Carter. 

The ICMA letter addressed six complaints made against Davis: 

1. 1. “You did not follow the County’s grievance policy and procedures to report your concern with Ms. Carter’s conduct toward you and other county employees; 

2. 2. You did not speak to your governing board to enable them to begin an investigation but instead chose to write a letter that was quickly leaked to the press; 

3. 3. You chose to speak openly with reporters and gave on camera interviews about the highly sensitive personnel allegation; 

4. 4. Your timing in writing the letter may have interfered with your governing body’s upcoming primary election; 

5. 5. You may have recruited former Commissioners to run for election against Ms. Carter to build a voting block on the governing body; and 

6. 6. You wrote the letter to cite during your upcoming employment agreement negotiations” 

The complaint is rooted in the assumption that Davis created a scenario of racial bias to influence the outcome of an election. It assumes white innocence at the expense of Black guilt. It implies the goodness of a white member of the board while applying the racist trope that Black people lie. At the root of the charges against Davis are underlying biases that attack the integrity of a Black man. 

 ICMA accepted the explanation Davis gave to the anonymous complaint. 

“The CPC accepted your explanation you wrote the letter to encourage Ms. Carter to reflect how her pattern of statements had impacted you with your hope there would be positive change by sharing your candid observations, “ the letter states. 

The damage created by the investigation of Davis confronts a long history of white power and privilege. The bias of Wendy Jacobs is on display in the handling of this matter. In pressing for an investigation of Davis’ motives in writing a letter to express his feelings, Jacobs challenged the credibility of a complaint rooted in the assumption of white innocence.   

This is the mistake made by the vocal supporters of Heidi Carter. Defending her innocence requires the dismissal of a Black man’s complaint. It forced the creation of a narrative stacked with unsubstantiated assumptions involving intent, backdoor conversations with former board members and a conspiracy theory to stack the board with Black members. 

Restoring Carter’s reputation came at the expense of Davis’ integrity. Her white innocence became a campaign blitz. Naming her a “good white woman” forged a narrative of Davis as an anti-education, deceitful Black man who must be stopped to protect our children. The protection of white innocence made his confession a lie. What Davis offered as a source for potential healing and growth became a declaration of war. 

The ICMA ethics committee recognized the landmines planted to address complaints made by Black people. Where does a person like Davis go to share his feelings? What are the consequences related to having enough of feeling disrespected by white people? 

“In reaching its decision, the CPC considered your continued willingness to engage in dialogue with the governing body about these matters and the county grievance procedure does not apply to those positions like yours that report directly to the governing body,” the letters states. 

It matters that Davis names how he feels. It matters because he is not alone. His letter to Heidi Carter addressed a pattern with other Black county employees. As the County Manager, Davis has an obligation to confront both real and perceived acts of racism within county government. 

How do you do that?  

Moving forward is complicated by the desire to win. It’s worse when the desire to win is rooted in assumptions of white privilege. White members of the Board of County Commissioners may find it hard to move forward due to an overwhelming desire to validate white innocence versus accepting the possibility of being tainted by their own implicit biases. 

White fragility shows up to control the narrative. Carter, Jacobs, and advocates are invested in the evolving story of white innocence. Reading Robin Diangelo’s while exhorting the vocabulary naming institutionalized racism isn’t enough to sanction white purity. You don’t matriculate to a realm beyond white supremacy. Why? Because it’s not about the people. It’s about the institutions which manifest and impose the will of white dominance.  

White supremacy controls the narrative of white innocence. It's the warning ICMA makes in the letter. 

“The CPC ultimately voted to close the case finding your conduct in the matter did not violate the ICMA Code of Ethics,” the letter from the association reads. “As you move forward, the CPC encourages you to consider your strategy and approach to engage your board members and employees in constructing dialogue to advance the interest of all.” 

Heidi Carter made a mistake that was shielded by white supremacy. Wendy Jacobs protected Carter by failing to address the letter Davis wrote. Jacobs called it “feelings being hurt.” An investigation of Carter was announced publicly. Later, it was announced Davis is also under investigation. Will that change given ICMA’s decision to close the case? 

If not, we have another entry into the long history of examples of white power and privilege. If the design is to continue the quest to protect Carter’s innocence, it comes at the expense of a Black man’s guilt.  

It all began with a discussion regarding implicit biases. After reading all those books and gathering in support of Black people, white members of the Durham Board of County Commissioners prove, again, it doesn’t matter how loud you scream Black Lives Matter when you’re working overtime to kill the reputation of another Black man.

‘LOCAL JAZZ’ INTRODUCES THE WORLD TO SAM KING WITH AN INSPIRING PORTRAYAL OF AN ARTIST AND THE MAKINGS OF HIS TALENT SPRAWLING MUSIC SERIES RETURNS WITH AMBITIOUS ODE TO DURHAM’S UNIQUE JAZZ SCENE

(DURHAM, NC—July 7, 2020) Local Jazz preemptively canceled its spring and summer seasons because of the coronavirus. Despite these necessary cancellations, Local Jazz is pressing forward in a way that advances and celebrates Durham’s jazz scene through producing a documentary centered on some of its incomparable artists. The storytelling begins with Sam King Trio at Kingfisher: a mini-documentary/fundraiser for the larger work that shares the journey of NCCU’s most recent jazz progeny, saxophonist Sam King.

Joined by fellow Eagles and area standouts, drummer Dwayne Jordan and bassist Chris Mills—and filmed at the already beloved downtown Durham cocktail bar Kingfisher—Sam King Trio at Kingfisher offers a refreshing portrayal of an artist and the makings of his talent. The remarkable set from the trio—highlighted by spellbinding performances of “Out of Nowhere” and “Juju”— is interspersed between interviews, adding dimension to the storytelling. The marriage of King’s talent and the tucked away venue are pitch perfect. As a standalone film, Sam King is well worth the price of “admission,” but the ticket purchases also support the development of a larger work that promises to be a memorable and authentic celebration of Durham’s inimitable pool of jazz talent, NCCU’s renowned jazz studies program, and the Bull City itself.

Founder and curator King Kenney elected to move up his ambitious aim of documenting “the scene” after inspiring conversations with local jazz artists and enthusiasts. Producing a documentary has always been in the works for Kenney, but now, with much needed restrictions to live performances, he deems the all-important project the most fitting response to an unprecedented moment. “For years, I’ve made the claim that ‘jazz’ is Durham’s greatest export and telling the stories of the city’s many talented jazz musicians is the best way to substantiate that claim,” Kenney shared. “Music is universally recognized as a unifying language and jazz is music’s most unappreciated conduit for impassioned storytelling. My hope is that by sharing the stories of Durham’s rising stars—along with their influences, journeys, and challenges—that people will better connect with their artistry and its power.” Based on the trailer, Kenney’s decision to introduce us to Sam King first sets a high bar for what’s to come. 

Each ticket purchased will:

• receive access to the mini-doc, Sam King Trio at Kingfisher from Monday, July 20 through Sunday, July 26
• receive an invitation to our opening night screening of the completed documentary at TBA when the world permits
• receive an invitation to the opening reception of our commemorative art installation at Kingfisher when the world permits
• offer the financial support necessary for the production of the full-length documentary

Tickets are $10 and can be found here. The film will be accessible on Monday, July 20 through Sunday, July 26. Tickets are on sale now and are only available online and in advance.

ABOUT LOCAL JAZZ
Established in 2019, Local Jazz offers performance grants, dedicated stages to experience jazz showcases on select Monday nights, and an attentive audience for jazz musicians with Durham roots. In its first season, Local Jazz dispersed $15,000 in performance grants and highlighted the talents of Ernest Turner, Shana Tucker, Kate McGarry, Lynn Grisett, Autumn Rainey, Brian Horton, Thomas Taylor, Ariel Pocock, Al Strong, Kevin Beardsley, Shaquim Muldrow, Jasmine Best, Christian Tamburr, William Ledbetter, Kobie Watkins, Annalise Stalls, Blu Thompson, and others.

FOR MORE INFORMATION
PLEASE VISIT LOCALJAZZ.CLUB

Organizers plan rally to suppoort Wendell Davis

Organizers of a rally to support Wendell Davis say the Durham County Manager is enduring treatment symbolic of a knee on a neck.

“Standing in the Gap of Wendell’s Truth” is the name given the peaceful protest planned for Wednesday, July 8^th at 11:00 a.m.  The Durham County Administrative Building is chosen as the site to demonstrate an investigation against Davis for charges he wrote a letter to influence the outcome of the election of members of the Durham Board of County Commissioners.

“We are standing in the gap for Wendell Davis due to the non-transparency and what we see as the retaliatory actions against him due to him stepping forward,” Steven Williams, one of the rally organizers, said “One thing is always certain, if an individual has to explain why they are not racist, then most likely they are indeed.”

Davis’ February 11 tree-page letter accused Heidi Carter, a white member of the Board of County Commissioners, of “inherent bias” toward him and other “people of color in general.” Davis suggest Carter’s bias was at play during a February 3 work session when she said the county would have developed a funding plan for Durham Public Schools sooner “were it not for the manager.”

Williams, who serves as a member of the Workforce Development Board, says supporters of Carter refuse to concede how Black people feel.

“You can easily identify racism by a person’s actions not by what they say.  In this case, Commissioner Carter was charged with similar accusations during her tenure on the Durham Public School Board which is public record,” Williams said. “Therefore, we are demanding a fair and transparent investigation which will avail the details of Wendell’s grievance publicly so as a community we can assist the Commissioners on deciding next steps and moving forward together.”

Otis Lyons, founder and president of Campaign4Change, facilitated conversations leading to the rally. Lyons, also known as Vegas Don for his unique approach in reaching troubled youth, says the attack against Davis is an example of modern-day lynching.

“He [Davis] is being served injustice because he stood up against racism,” Lyons said. “White liberals are trying to oust him which is nothing but systemic racism. Their goal is to get rid of Wendell, and people of color -Durham County employees will be next.”

At the end of the February 24 Durham County Commissioners board meeting, Wendy Jacobs, chair of the board, announced an investigation of all issues pertaining to Davis’s accusation that Carter targeted him with racist comments. Th room was packed with angry citizens who booed after Jacobs said she recognized Davis’ feelings were hurt.

Things got messy when Jacobs announced a second investigation during the April 27 virtually held board meeting. Jacobs said county commissioners instructed the county attorney and county clerk to submit notification regarding a second investigation against Davis.

The investigation against Davis focuses on the actions that the county manager took in the way he sent the letter as it relates to the intent in impacting the election. Durham County Commissioner Brenda Howerton was surprised by the decision.

“You mentioned two issues that you had not informed me about. One of those issues, you had not informed me of,” Howerton said during a tense exchange with Jacobs.

Jacobs recommended going into closed session with an attorney present and chided Howerton for bringing personnel matters during a public meeting.

“Don’t throw stuff out that you haven’t discussed with me,” Howerton responded.

Howerton expressed concerns about the investigation of Davis in an April 21 email. She wrote that the investigation being “pushed through” in a very clandestine way” is problematic. She said she voted against an investigation demanding resources from a budget impacted massively by Covid-19. She also questioned “how decisions are being made when all board members aren’t apprised.”

In a May 15 Facebook post, Rev. Mark-Anthony Middleton, a member of the Durham City Council, called for county commissioners to end the investigation due to limited transparency and resources caused by Covid-19.

“The proposition that at this time our commanding general would be occupied with anything other than defending us; and our elected leaders would direct precious resources towards investigating circumstances around an election that has already been certified and broke in their favor is tantamount to a dereliction of duty, and an abuse of power,” Middleton said.

The call to cease the investigation of Davis has been met with deaf ears. Organizers fear Covid-19 and the necessity of virtual meetings prevents citizens from crashing meetings to express their outrage. Prepare for a large group of protestors in downtown Durham on July 8 at noon.

They’ll be screaming about the pain of a knee on neck.

I'm not good, and it's not my fault

There’s pain trapped in my bones. I’m not alone.

I’m not good.  Every image of black death adds to the pain. Every protest is a reminder that none of it has mattered. Taking a knee. Raising a black gloved hand during the singing of the National Anthem. Singing We Shall Overcome or screaming fuck the police – it is never enough.

It is not enough to stop white knees against the neck of Black men and women. We can’t breathe. The only solace is the thought of the ancestors waiting to take our hand to lift us to the other side. The pain of hearing “I see my mama.”

This is the testimony of Black people living in America. We ain’t good. We are tired of nonviolent resistance. We no longer trust the power of white privilege to do the right thing. We have suffered too much – collectively and individually – lessening the promises of white people who claim to have our back.

The testimony is about Black people and their mental health. I’m not good is about my personal grappling to find peace. It is also about our collective mental health. I’m not good because we’re not good. Saying that implies being one step, one word, one more death away from throwing a brick. It doesn’t change anything other than acknowledging being fed up with promises.

This is the testimony of historical pain. Where do you go for treatment? How do you get help when therapeutic models assume the need for introspection, accountability and depression medications to treat historical racism? Are therapist properly trained for this? What white man or woman properly understands the rage of Black people stirred by decades of being dismissed. Can a white therapist help me with that? Will a pill take that pain away? What happens when a Black therapist treats a black patient trapped in the maze of historical pain? The answer, two people in need of another form of treatment.

Do people understand it’s not just the police? Do they understand Black anxiety and depression is the result of systemic racism? It’s not just the actions of white supremacist. It’s more than the image of burning crosses and bodies dangling from trees. It transcends the bad ways of a few bad apples in law enforcement. It’s liberal Karen calling the police on a Black man while walking her dog in a park. It’s liberal Adam dismissing the contribution of a Black woman during a board meeting. It’s what politicians do in assuming white folk intelligence matters more than Black genius when they pimp Black people to support their position.

I’m not good. I’m not good because of the assumptions of white women. I’m not good because of the paternalistic ways of white men determined to tell Black people how to think. I’m not good because of a life undermined by white people who scream Black Lives Matter in public while treating Black people like shit in private.

I’m not good because of white fragility. I’m mentally drained by white tears. My soul is tarnished by the unceasing demand to say, “not all white people.” I’m not good because my, no, our, condition is not our mistake. We have been abused by white privilege. We’re told to get help for our rage because we should be proud to stand for the “Pledge of Allegiance”. Get some help for your internalized rage. It’s not real. Refrain from your obsession with ancient history. We’re told that. It’s not them, it’s you.

I’m not good is a statement affirming the damage of covert racism. It’s a form of racism concealed in the fabric of American society. It’s the unnoticeable arrangement of discrimination that punishes Black people for exposing white power and privilege. It reprimands Black people whenever they attempt to escape. Colin Kaepernick was punished. Jemele Hill, sports journalist for The Atlantic, was forced out at ESPN for sharing her version of truth. Everyday, black people are silenced and punished for challenging white power and privilege. I’m not good because Black success, in America, demands bowing to the demands of white privilege.

I’m not good because I’m fed up with the assumption Black people suffer due to our mistakes. I’m not good because I’m not a mistake. What we carry is pain caused by a system consistently engaged in denigrating Black people for living with rage. We didn’t create this. We need help, but there is no place to receive it.

The insanity we carry is the consequence of watching white people do the same thing – over and over again. This is rage created by centuries of indifference.

Please, don’t make me say not all white people.

Joe Biden's gaffe: a lesson in whitesplaing

I Hate it when white people tell me how Black people should think.

Whitesplaining is rampant on social media. Take note of opinions protected by enough social distancing to inspire trash talk regarding what Black people should think and do. In other words, say that to my face. The boldness of it all.  The assumptions of privilege and unwarranted intrusion into the life Black Twitter.

No one told you to interrupt our Black think tank session.

Joe Biden trolled our Black think session. He, like countless white people allowed access to our social media spaces, was welcomed in for a visit. You can sit and enjoy Black culture and thought. Come on in, take a seat. Enjoy your time. Like a glass of iced tea? Glad to see you.

The Breakfast Club, a syndicated radio show hosted by DJ Envy, Angela Yee and Charlamagne tha God, is a Black think tank session. It is part of a witness of Black spaces that exist to provide comfort, solidarity and humor for Black people. These places are part of “the culture”.  It’s where and how we figure things out without the intrusion of white folks informing the conversation.

Melissa Harris-Perry discusses the importance of these places in Barbershops, Bibles & BET: Everyday Talk and Black Political Thought. These places are where Black people gather to flush things out together. It’s where views are shared for an informal chat involving “what we gonna do”.  These are places that welcome extreme disagreement. Black people are allowed to scream at one another because that is what real family does when there are a variety of perspectives in the room.

These are sacred spaces where Black people gather to “understand persistent social and economic inequality, to identify the significance of race in that inequality, and to devise strategies for overcoming it,” says Harris-Perry. She provides the roadmap for understanding Black politics by highlighting the community dialogue among Black people in constructing their collective political interest.

Harris-Perry offers four ideologies that shape the framework for black political thought: Black Nationalism, Black Feminism, Black Conservatism and Liberal Integrationism.  Black radio, barbershops, beauty salons, the black church, Black twitter and Facebook are the places where Black political thought is debated every day. This is the Black community think tank where the Black agenda is designed with an informal strategy to confront white supremacy and institutionalized racism with the goal of empowering “we” the people.

Many argue the Black community isn’t a monolithic voice. That is true, but we are all gathered for the family meeting – be it at the barbershop, at church or listening to Joe Biden talking trash on The Breakfast Club. We come with differing political perspective – Black Nationalism, Black Feminism, Black Conservatism and Liberal Integrationism – but all of us are listening and posting comments aimed at creating a Black Agenda.

You are welcome to join us, but, please, don’t misunderstand your place within our discussion. Sit over there and mind your business. This is Black folk business.

That may ruffle the feathers of your white privilege. I would apologize but doing so would refute the claims of Harris-Perry’s thesis. You can sit and watch, but we are conducting family business, albeit in public view.

Don’t speak out of turn. We got some questions for white people. You are welcome to answer our questions but keep your opinions regarding what we should think and say to yourself.

Carry on now.

Show love by voting on Valentine's Day

What better way to say I love you than to vote on Valentine’s Day?

That was my first thought upon awaking this morning at 4:30 a.m.  I don’t know why? I’m strange like that sometimes. Thoughts come to me from divergent places. Get it. Voting. Love. I know, you don’t get it.

It took considerable time for me to process the significance of correlating voting with the day created to give men a chance to recuperate after a year of endless mistakes. What better way to say you’re sorry for being a worthless example of simmering testosterone than with a box of chocolate and a dozen roses.

It never helps when a man beats his chest while exclaiming, “I’m a good man, woman!” It’s best to get the chocolate and roses, no matter how little time was spent sleeping on the couch while eating dog biscuits. Staying out of the doghouse is a major accomplishment, but, in most cases, forgetting Valentine’s Day will lead to a temporary suspension.

Voting isn’t a romantic activity. Right? Did I miss something since the last Presidential election? Have the rules shifted? Wait! That’s it.

I’ve sensed deep barrenness since Trump defeated Clinton. The way people talk – both to themselves and to each other – has radically changed. Everyone seems more antsy than before. I’ve witnessed more rolling of eyes, snapped fingers and hands on the hips. There is a devoid in patience occupied by limited listening, partial understanding and no trust.

Things are more tense than before. Politics has morphed into a game mimicking mortal combat. Words are weapons thrust on the battlefield with an intent to destroy the ideology of anyone standing in the way. T-shirts and baseball caps are the new age uniforms of soldiers shoved into battle by conflicting beliefs. Political statements are everywhere, MAGA, CNN FAKE NEWS, MAKE AMERICA THINK AGAIN and shirts that make a joke to keep people from crying -” the problem with political jokes is sometimes they get elected”.

Insensitivity has replaced common decency. Making a point translates into I don’t care what you think.  The workplace is often a warzone and churches are places to rally the troops.

What’s love got to do with it?

Maybe it’s something in my dreams. Maybe it’s something I heard in a song, a prayer, a thought or a moment of weakness. Maybe that moment of weakness is the thing granting me strength and hope to believe.

In what? What is left to believe? Love? A world where we can love again?

The best way to show love, to be the embodiment of love, is to vote on Valentine’s Day. In voting there is hope we can fix it. All of it. By voting we have an opportunity to elevate our local communities, our state and national government beyond the chaos eating at our souls. By electing people determined to restore sanity into a nation inundated with a desire to fight, we can find love again.

Some will argue we never had it. Love, some say, is no more than an emotion familiar within the context of tribalism. I’ll love my family; you love your own, defines what we have always been. For some, it is all we will ever be. It’s sad to think that might be true. If it is, what we have now is an amplification of what has always been true.

God knows I hope that’s not true. I pray we can do better than this.

I show love on Valentine’s Day with my vote. My vote reflects my love for America. It’s a statement regarding the world I envision for myself, my children and all the little children of the world. My vote is an expression of the life I want for all of us – united, one nation, under God. For those who don’t believe in God, one nation under the God of your own understanding.

 My vote is a prayer for unity infused with a bunch of love.

 America, I do love you.

 Now, shut up and kiss me.

Race Matters: Who will get my vote for President?

I don’t know who’s getting my vote for President.

That statement troubles me. Early voting starts today. Bernie Sanders will be in town tomorrow. I’m interested to see how that plays out.

This is complicated.

The pundits say Joe Biden still leads with Black voters. I struggle with that. It’s hard to dismiss his contribution in passing the Crime Bill. It doesn’t help that Bernie also voted in support of the legislation responsible for increased Black incarceration.

I’m still angry about Bernie’s rapid dismissal of reparations for “being too hard to pass.” Of all people. You can’t talk to me about things being too hard.

Everyone is dirty. People in South Bend, Indiana say former Mayor Pete Buttigieg has a problem with Black People. He did well to shuck it off with an apology after a hullabaloo regarding the termination of the Black chief of police. It takes more than talk to convince Black people.

Mike Bloomberg is showing up as a potential pick for Black voters. How does that happen given his policy of “stop and frisk” when he was Mayor of York City? Claims of racial profiling must not hold the same contempt as back in the day when it felt like people were being stopped for chewing gum while walking down the street.

Speaking of the police and the criminal justice system, how can a Black person justify voting for Amy Klobuchar after reports that she failed to prosecute any of the officer in Minnesota who shot unarmed Black people. Not one. That’s the type of record from of an Attorney General that forces deep pondering regarding motives laced in white supremacy. I’ll pass.

I like Elizabeth Warren, but her affection for plans makes we wonder if she has the ability to follow through. How many of us know a person who has all the solutions while lacking the capacity to get it done? Back home, we call that walking the walk more than talking the talk. Besides, I need to see more Black people.

As for Tom Steyer. I’ll stop there because I heard the collective gasp – who?

I’m almost convinced Tulsi Gabbard is a Russian plant to further destroy America’s democracy. Nothing left to say about that.

My frustration is elevated by the graveyard of Black candidates dismissed by mostly white progressives for failing the radical left litmus test. Duval Patrick is out less than 90 days after jumping in the race. That’s not even a good sprint.

Kamala Harris and Cory Booker represented Black folks hoping for another Black President. Harris was blasted for being too tough on Black crime and Booker was challenged for dancing too much with big shots on Wall Street.

It begs the question, what will it take for another Black person to get a shot? It’s hard not to feel the lesson of fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me. Is this white America’s answer to never being fooled again? Please holla no.

Maybe I’m struggling to get motivated because of how we got here. We gained some things during the Obama years, but access is not one of them. It feels like back to business as usual with a Democratic Party that talks about race with no real dialogue with Black people. Don’t get me started on how Black women continue to be taken for granted.

The politics of galvanizing white undecided voters leaves me stumbling to find words to address the agony of the taken for granted Black voter. It doesn’t feel good being taken for granted. Is that what Biden is doing?

I can see it now – people blaming Black people, again, for Trump winning the election. I can hear them, in my imagination, talk about low Black turnout. Dang. I get sick of Black people getting blamed for everything.

Sigh. I have to go vote in the primary, but I don’t have a candidate for President. None of them represents me. Not one. Should I vote for the person who can best defeat Trump? If so, what does that say about me. Strike that. What does that say about life and politics in America?

Go to the back of the bus, please. Well, they did say please.

Durham teachers organization makes assumptions rooted in white supremacist powerplay

A recent Facebook message questioning the leadership of Alexandra Valladares, candidate for Durham Public School Board, uncovers how white supremacy works.

The implementation of a white supremacist strategy is not limited to the work of white people. Colonialism infuses, in the minds of some Black people, deep-seeded internalized racism. It is easy to find cases where Black and Brown people cooperate with white people in constructing  a white supremacist agenda. 

It's important to get that out before you start looking at the black people in the room.

This is one of those cases. It's an example of how teachers, within a school system with an overwhelming majority of white teachers (78%), refuse to concede the interest and needs of Black and Brown students and their parents. Their statement indicates their advocacy for their own interest as puppets in a white supremacist system.

A strategy of white supremacy is to cancel the leadership of Black and Brown people. It’s done by delegitimizing people for not playing well with white people.

A person who dedicates their life as an advocate for Black and Brown families is questioned for failing to cooperate with people working to maintain the system. White supremacy plays by a set of rules. Collaborating with controlling parties is viewed as a measure of effective leadership. White supremacy attacks people who refuse to succomb to their mandate. It punishes people for not doing what they want, how they want and when they want it done.

Advocates are called lone rangers. They are labeled ineffective because they function outside the established system. Their personality becomes the subject of disdain. They’re called a scalawag for their consistent focus on the problem versus a willingness to compromise within the existing system.

White supremacy has it's own agenda. It attempts to strip advocates of their integrity by punishing anyone for failing to bow and kiss the ring. The advocacy of Black and Brown students and parents, in the example of the Facebook mischaraterization of Alexandra, takes backseat to bowing down to the whims of an organizations agenda. It is a cruel hypocricy that makes voting for a block of perferred candidates more relevant that advocacy.

White privilege assumes the problem is the person when it’s the system. In this case, the problem is a gang of teachers desirious of manipulating the political process at the expense of Black and Brown children.

Their aim is to credential leaders who affirm their position with limited critique of structures from within. Organizations aren’t established to be examined from within. I call foul play. The power of an endorsement plays out as a weapon margainilizing Black and Brown advocacy. The system is a monster in need of review. All of it. From a gang of teachers dismissive of Black and Brown advocacy, to an endorsement process that makes who a person voted for the purity test. When teachers place politics outside the classromm above the needs of students within the classrom, it's time for those teachers to reconsider what they do for a living.

The attack against Alexandra Valladares is a case study regarding how the quest to maintain white dominance plays out in real time. Reactions divulge the rage of white fragility. We are witnessing how support for diversity and inclusion plays out when conversations shift to the demand for equity.

We’re observing how conversations regarding race shift after racial and cultural competency minimizes the power of white people in Black and Brown spaces. The savior complex is uncovered with massive assumptions and hypocrisy. The matter of representation moves beyond the dynamics of diversity and inclusion to an attack on the character of the Black and Brown people fighting for equitable participation.

This is where the work is attacked. The effort that goes into advocating on behalf of Black & Brown parents and children becomes the subject of contention. All of that work to be heard and understood is translated into a litmus test for credible leadership.

The white person plays by the rules. That person works well with others. That Black or Brown person stands alone. These are massive assumptions rooted and maintained by the constructs of white supremacy. The decision to select and fight for the white person unravels how white supremacy hinders the work of Black and Brown engagement. They say - we can work with him, he’s one of us, he understands us, he plays by our rules.

White supremacy seeks to own the terms of legitimacy. Rather than conceding a need to listen and learn from advocates, people leading the work are challenged for questioning disparity.

The assumptions that follow are preposterous. Given the white person works better with the people within the system – that person is better qualified to serve Black and Brown students.  Given the Black person is attacking the system – we have reason to believe the white person is better qualified to work within our system. Given Alexandra isn't working with us, she must be working alone. 

Implying Alexandra is working alone negates all the students and parents she represents. Not working to endorse a white supremacist system is not the same as working alone. Not working with a gang of teachers, and the candidates they decided to endorse, is not a reflection of standing alone. It reflect not standing with them in Alexandra's desire to stand with the students and parents she represents.

Determining who to vote for is a personal decision. Each of us has the right to decide on our own. In reflecting on what that means, it helps to minimize language constructed from a white supremacist agenda. I’m not blaming people for not understanding. Not knowing is one of the consequences of centuries of institutionalized racism.

I do question people who continue using language rooted in white supremacist powerplay after hearing why that’s not okay. I also blame teachers for using their role as teachers to play political games at the expense of Black and Brown children.

Shame on all of you!

Gayle King's question reveals the story of Kobe becoming a better man

People are outraged by the line of questioning in Gayle King’s interview with Lisa Leslie.

It was too soon. The family is still grieving. She hasn’t applied the same standard in interviewing white men. Gayle, and sidekick Oprah, are engaged in a plan to undermine the integrity of Black men.

We’ve heard it all. King blasted back with criticism of CBS’s decision to release the clip. She says it’s valid to slam her when viewing the clip out of context. Snoop Dogg called her a bitch. It’s a media circus distracting from the mourning of Kobe Bean Bryant, who died with his 13-year-old daughter Gianna and seven other passengers in that horrific helicopter crash.

The grieving of Kobe’s death has been hard for all of us to endure. It’s one of those rare moments in which the world stops to take notice. It happened when Michael Jackson died. It happened when Prince and Whitney died. It happened when John Lennon was killed and when Elvis was found dead on a toilet.

Gayle’s controversial question forces a critical gaze related to how we ponder legacy. What do we do with the legacy of James Brown’s history of domestic violence? How does the press tell the story of Prince’s death without stepping on shaky ground? Is it the obligation of the press to cuddle the emotions of grieving family and fans, or is there more to the story that deserves to be told?

This is the essence of journalism. It’s not what we write, it’s how we write what we write that distinguished good reporting and storytelling from amateur journalism. There are layers to each story lurking beneath the desire to heal. How we tell the story challenges our desire to pander to the impulses of our readers. What the public desires should never take precedent over a story with a meaningful lesson.

I defend King’s right to ask the question. I do so because the question reveals the story of Kobe’s legacy. As people fume over the validity of the question, lost is the power of Kobe’s life lesson. Fearing the question hinders our ability to hear him speak from the grave.

Gayle’s question is about legacy. What is Kobe’s legacy? It’s easy to point to his accomplishments on the basketball court. Those are the feats we celebrate in life. The broader question for journalist to ask is what the lessons are we learn in death.

Kobe’s life gives us that answer, a person is best judged by how they deal with their worst mistake.

That’s a lesson for our children. It’s the story within the story that helps us build upon Kobe’s lifelong commitment of learning from his mistakes.

It happened after he was accused of rape. Listen to the lesson in the public statement after the dismissal of the case.

First, I want to apologize directly to the young woman involved in this incident. I want to apologize to her for my behavior that night and for the consequences she has suffered in the past year. Although this year has been incredibly difficult for me personally, I can only imagine the pain she has had to endure. I also want to apologize to her parents and family members, and to my family and friends and supporters, and to the citizens of Eagle, Colorado.

I also want to make it clear that I do not question the motives of this young woman. No money has been paid to this woman. She has agreed that this statement will not be used against me in the civil case. Although I truly believe this encounter between us was consensual, I recognize now that she did not and does not view this incident the same way I did. After months of reviewing discovery, listening to her attorney, and even her testimony in person, I now understand how she feels that she did not consent to this encounter.

I issue this statement today fully aware that while one part of this case ends today, another remains. I understand that the civil case against me will go forward. That part of this case will be decided by and between the parties directly involved in the incident and will no longer be a financial or emotional drain on the citizens of the state of Colorado

It's certain the apology was part of a legal strategy. We shouldn’t overthink the apology. It’s what followed that informs the lesson regarding legacy. It’s how he owned it. It’s how he built what appears to be a better marriage. He learned to play piano to convince Vanessa, his wife, not to divorce him. He took his legendary focus on the court and applied it to his marriage.

That’s a lesson involving legacy. It takes questions to build a case for judging Kobe based on how he dealt with his biggest mistake.

There are other mistakes. Most people aren’t limited to one in a lifetime.

Two years after being fined by the NBA for using a homophobic slur toward a referee, Kobe admonished two Twitter users for using homophobic language.

"Just letting you know @pacsmoove @pookeo9 that using 'your gay' as a way to put someone down ain't ok! #notcool delete that out ur vocab."

Bryant was responding to a message from Twitter user @pookeo9, a 16-year-old Canadian.

The first tweet was directed to the @kobebryant handle and read, "Let's make out in bed Kobe."

@Pacsmove re tweeted that message, adding "you're gay" to the beginning.

Kobe acknowledged his past issues with using homophobic language.

"Exactly, that wasn't cool and was ignorant on my part. I own it and learn from it and expect the same from others."

These are questions regarding legacy. Life after death doesn’t mean much if we limit legacy to what happened on the basketball court. Pressing the question regarding legacy helps in the reporting of the story of the man hidden from public view. Some may say that’s too personal. It’s none of our business. I say it matters when the lesson inspires change.

Knowing what I know about Kobe from what I’ve read and witnessed, I believe Kobe would be okay with the question. His legacy is about improving on the basketball court. I’m convinced the same applied to his life off the court. Becoming a better man, a better husband, a great father and friend was his commitment after he walked away from the game of basketball. On the court he learned from his mistakes. Off the court, he did the same.

Journalist are obligated to tell that story. Kobe worked to hard to tell it, and we should press questions to help tell his story.

The question is a gift because of the answer. Fearing the shame impedes the witness of change.

That’s why you ask the question.

Confession of a grumpy black man

I’m not proud of the person I’ve become since Donald J. Trump dubbed himself America’s Fűhrer. That statement alone is enough to make my case. I have lost patience for anyone pleading a point undermining my ability to refrain from slapping a fool.

Restraint is out the door. The ability to concede alternatives truths is out the door. My will to be guided and influenced by the utopic notion of a beloved community has faded with the termination of government with checks and balances.

It’s not all Trump’s fault. Some of the culpability belongs to white dudes waving symbols of the Confederacy. It feels like a statement regarding my staying in what they perceive as my proper place. It’s taken copious inhales followed by exhales, followed by clinched fist and internalized reminders not to go Django on their ass.

It’s complicated.

I partially blame the assumptions of theological claims. What it means for me to assert being a Christian is masked by the ongoing pursuit to define what that means. My Jesus is not the same as that Jesus. He prays and spends time away from the masses to relight passion after the critics come to steal joy. My Jesus goes to big mama to mediate and engage in some critical cussing after folks show up on a mission to block blessings.

My Jesus is a big black dude with the attitude of many clouds of witnesses who have travelled through the valley of discrimination and death. My Jesus doesn’t bow to the whims of white supremacy and all the cousins of disparity. My Jesus is an empowering messiah with a heart for the least of these.

My theology hasn’t changed much over the years. I’ve always viewed the work of salvation being about more than leading Black folks to the streets paved with gold. It didn’t take long for me to discover the irrelevance of pimping truth about life on the other side of death devoid of some blessing during this life.

My theology has always been fueled by a rage in disparity between the gifts of white folk after creating hell for Black folks on earth juxtaposed by the burden of Black folks in forgiving all the trouble they’ve seen.  There has to be more than hope for better days in the sweet by and by.

The privilege of whiteness is in embracing life on earth without regard for death. My theology challenges notions of blessings versus the curse of blackness. It’s what stirs the fever of my preaching. The words declared with each sermon I preach defies the assumptions of theological claims. Don’t just pray about it. Take what belongs to you with the zeal of a radical Jesus guiding your footsteps.

All of that is true, but this is different. There’s a sickness in the air which feels like brewing fever. It’s hot in here. It’s too hot to calm the weariness alone. This is worse than ever before due to the absence of allies willing to concede their participation in the problem.

The advocates and allies of Black liberation have morphed into the wardens of continued incarceration. That’s how it feels. The massive whitesplaining. Delineating what Black people need. Forcing Black silence in exchange for their continued right to rule. Containing spaces to expand dominance for the sake of additional profit. Renaming gentrification to justify white privilege. Enforcing rules to manage diversity, inclusion and equity when it rationalizes their interest.

What I feel extends beyond the blatant racism of alt-right movements. My rage transcends the overt intentions of conservative party manipulation and games played to control Black voters. It’s what progressive, so-called good white people, are often incapable of seeing.

It’s not the fault of Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. The privilege wedged in the belly of progressive thinking people has always been there. It’s not new. Their presence may have been to resolve guilt. Or, it may be out of a desire to repair the forces hindering Black people.

Don’t Black people need a savior?

It could be about that.

These are the obvious ramifications of life in Trump’s American nightmare. Most of that may be true. Some of it may be a perception. All of it feels real.

It’s the perception part that leaves me hating what has happened to me – the lack of patience, the hardening of a heart, the lack of sensitivity for those outside the Black experience.

There are good white people in this world. I know that’s true, but it’s hard to believe it’s true given this current American dilemma.

I’m becoming a grumpy old man.

Welton: Wendy Jacobs called Wendell Davis' actions "retaliatory"

Marqueta Welton, in the deposition in her case against Durham County, says Wendy Jacobs told her County Manager Wendell Davis downsized her position as an act of retaliation.

Welton’s statement alleges a pattern of behavior connecting Jacobs as a co-conspirator in a plan to force the termination of Davis. Read previous blog regarding the depositions

Welton, in responding to questions from Matt Leerberg, the attorney representing Durham County, relates a conversation she had with Jacobs involving a reassignment plan. The plan changed her title from Deputy County Manager to Economic Development Officer.  The conversation preceded the filing of her first grievance against Davis.

Welton says Jacobs’ general impression of Davis’ reassignment to be “retaliatory”. After being pressed on Jacobs’ specific words, Welton says “I don’t know what her exact words were, I think it was more the vindictive vernacular.”

The connection between Welton’s conversation with Jacobs regarding the perception of retaliation, an April 14, 2016 email forwarded to Welton’s personal AOL account from a member of the Board of County Commissioners and Welton’s filing of a grievance against Davis, exposes a potential plot to manipulate the charges against Davis for political gain.

Welton testifies that she held onto her job until after the 2016 election in hope that the new slate of County Commissioner would reverse Davis’ realignment decision.

What led to Welton believing a change of the slate of County Commissioner would lead to a change back to her previous role as Deputy County Manager? Is it possible a deal was made, by Jacobs and other members of the County Commissioners, to appoint Welton after dismissing Davis from his position as Durham’s County Manager?

These are critical questions for voters leading up to the March 3^rd election. Past, and often present, tension among board members, related to the employment and contract of Davis, provides the context for the politicization of Welton reassignment.  Voters should press for answers regarding Jacobs’ role in instigating Welton’s lawsuit against Durham County. In addition, was there an agreement between Welton and members of the board regarding plans after the election? If so, what was that agreement?

Welton’s case against Durham County cost $304,311 to defend. The United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit ruled in favor of the lower court’s decision in favor of the County.

What remans is lots of money spent to defend a case involving a disgruntled employee. That and a deposition that raises serious questions regarding the role of past and present members of the Board of County Commissioners in fueling the flames of a discontented employee. It matters that conversations between Welton and board members may have led to a lawsuit against the county. It matters if promises were made, emails shared, and sides taken against the County Manager to promote a personal agenda.

It matters because members of the Board of County Commissioners are elected to promote the interest of the county – not the will of an employee in filing a lawsuit against the county.

Lawsuit filed by former Durham County employee reveals potential cooperation with members of the Board of County Commissioners

As Democratic candidates for the Durham Board of County Commissioners gear up for the upcoming primary, the deposition of Marqueta Welton, in her lawsuit against Durham County, raises questions regarding a strategy between Welton and members of the board to oust Durham County Manager Wendell Davis.


Welton, in a case that cost Durham County $304,311 to defend, alleges Wendall Davis demoted her from her position as Deputy County Manager in retaliation for competing to become Durham County Manager. Welton’s deposition offers circumstantial evidence that her case against Davis was a political weapon to force his termination.


Matt Leerberg, the attorney representing Durham County, entered into evidence an email placed in Welton’s personal AOL account. The email from Wendall Davis was addressed to Commissioners and could only be received by a member of the Board of County Commissioners. Welton forwarded the email, dated April 14, 2016, to herself with the original sender deleted. The subject of the email involved organizational realignment.


“I can’t explain to you how an email from Mr. Davis to the Commissioners wound up in my exchange unless it was sent to me by someone,” Welton said.


“Did Wendy Jacobs send it to you,” Leerberg asked.


“I don’t know,” Welton said.


In the county’s realignment plan, Davis selected Deborah Craig-Ray, Gayle Harris, Jodi Miller, Jay Gibson and Claudia Hager as General Managers. The plan, implemented in April of 2016, shifted Welton into the role of Economic Development Officer. Welton alleges not being named a General Manager was an act of retaliation, a concern shared by Michael Page, a member of the Board of County Commissioners during realignment.


“I was speaking to him, I had to talk to him about an economic development matter, and he said he didn’t know why Wendell Davis was doing this to me, and that business people in the community were asking him about it, and that Wendell was going to have to explain this to the business community,” Welton said.


Leerberg entered into evidence notes from a September 7, 2016 conversation between Welton and her counselor involving dropping the lawsuit.


“Marqueta is hopeful that new Board will sit in December and may toss or not support Wendell,” the counselor’s notes state.


“But it’s true that as of September 2016, you were holding out hope that maybe the election would change things and your fortunes would be reversed, right,” Leerberg asked.

“Yes,” Welton said.


“You were hoping that a new slate of County Commissioners would come in and…”


“I was actually hoping that the old slate would have done the right thing, but then after the election, I hoped that the new slate would,” Welton said.


The County realignment plan was placed for approval on the Board of County Commissioner’s Monday, April 11, 2016 consent agenda. In his deposition, Davis said the plan was placed on the agenda as a formality.


“They had all been briefed about it. And Ms. Welton obviously had some angst and consternation about the reorganization and up until this point of course had done an in-run,” Davis said.

The item was removed from the agenda after board members indicated reorganization is within the purview of the County Manager. Welton resigned from the county shortly before the new slate of Commissioners were installed.


In his deposition, Davis says Welton wasn’t named a General Manager because the five chosen had a greater skill set and better attitude.


“If she will be truthful with you, she will tell you that what I said to her verbatim was you’re second in command. I expect you to step up and lead in your role,” said Davis. “But throughout the course of the better part of a year, she was not interested in doing that.”


Welton appealed the dismissal of her claim of retaliation by the United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina.


“Welton fails to identify any evidence suggesting that her protected conduct during the pendency of her demotion caused her to receive an even worse reassignment or an even lower salary,” the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit ruled. “Thus, because Welton’s grievance simply had no bearing on the earlier decision to demote her, the district court properly awarded summary judgment to the County.”


The question before voters involves the potential politicization of Welton’s case against Davis. If Welton was being used as a pawn to terminate Davis, or in negotiating his contract extension, the cost of members of the Board of County Commissioner collaborating with Welton is $304,311.