The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People faces legacy with new possibilities

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Walter Jackson says the future of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP) is in the hands of a group of capable young people.

Those young leaders join seasoned organizers to form a team prepared to continue the legacy of North Carolina’s oldest Black led group engaged in the empowerment of Black people.

The installation of new officers and committee chairs takes place during the DCABP annual meeting on Sunday January 29 at St. Joseph A.M.E. Church, 2521 Fayetteville Street beginning at 3:00 p.m.

Formed in 1935 by C.C. Spaulding, president of North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company, James E. Shepard, founder of what became North Carolina Central University, Rencher N. Harris, W.D. Hill, R. L. McDougald, J. T. Taylor and Louis Austin, publisher of The Carolina Times, the group of men referred to as “a committee of influential Negroes” formed a powerful coalition that distinguishes Durham from other communities.

In 1936, while Black men were being lynched across the nation for simply being Black, 78 percent of Black people registered to vote in Durham, NC. The DCABP facilitated Black political and economic activism that helped build one of the nation’s leading Black Wall Streets.

Today, the label of being “a committee of influential Negroes”, points to divides within the Black community – the haves versus people without, young versus older and heterosexual versus alternative sexual and gender identities. There's also an influx of new people unfamiliar with the DCABP and its rich history.

For decades, discussions involve whether the credibility and sway of the DCABP has declined due to dwindling membership, a lack of collaboration with other groups and rumors of persistent infighting.

Jackson obtained a bachelor’s degree from UNC’s Hussman School of Journalism and Media after he graduated from Durham’s Hillside High School. He’s a Vietnam War veteran and former reporter for the Durham Morning Herald and the Charlotte Observer. He founded Ideas Coffee House after retiring from Standard Oil.

The Rev-elution engaged in a Q&A format interview with Jackson to consider his vision for the DCABP. 

Rev-elution: Some argue the influence of the DCABP has waned over the past two decades due to changing demographics combined with the increased influence of Durham’s People Alliance. Is this a fair assessment?

There is an old saying that the proof of the pudding is in the eating.  There are probably many ways of looking at and trying to assess the influence of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, but one of the most common ways of looking at its influence is just looking at the people who are serving in significant elected and appointed positions in our city and county.  Few cities in America can compare with Durham in having the quantity and quality of officials who represent us well that we have in Durham, and I don't think the situation has ever been better in that regard. Can The Durham Committee claim all of the credit for that?  No, certainly not.  Would we have the same results without the presence and influence of The Durham Committee?  My answer to that would also be no, certainly not.  So, I would say any reports of the waning of The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People are greatly exaggerated.  Going into our 88th year, we still have a lot of work to do.  

Rev-elution: What is your vision for improving the DCABP’s position as a powerful voice in support of Durham’s Black citizens? How does this influence show up beyond elections?  

That is a great follow up to my previous response.  Even though people's thoughts about The Committee do often revolve around election results, there is so much more, and we intend to continue to work to make our voice and presence felt and heard in many ways, including continuing to stake out positions on major issues and make our support of or opposition to various policy matters well known to public officials, and work to hold them accountable to the electorate.  We want to make sure that we are making a difference in the lives of residents in very meaningful ways, including housing, education, economic development, health and public safety and other ways that affect people's daily lives.  

Rev-elution: Is the DCABP engaged in establishing a position that affirms LGBTQIA residents? If so, how is that position communicated and how will it be used to promote an inclusive mission?

Although I think we are and want to be an opinion leader in our community, the DCABP also largely reflects the priorities and will of our community.  We have certainly supported a number of candidates who are themselves LGBTQIA and/or are closely aligned with the values and priorities of such residents, I have no knowledge that we have ever engaged in establishing a position on this, among all the other challenges that we are facing as a community.  The fact that we have not obviously does not mean that we will not, but with all the other great challenges facing our community I would be somewhat surprised to see this matter percolate to the top in the short-term future.

Rev-elution: The DCABP was founded and supported by powerful Black business owners. As the influence of independent Black business owners’ fades, so has the influence of the DCABP. What adjustments do you envision to offset expanding concerns rooted in economic disparity (gentrification, affordable housing and a wealth gap)?

First, I am going to repeat that I challenge any assertion that the influence of the DCABP has faded.  And even though I might somewhat know the answer to this question I'm going to come back with a retort than might resonate in the African American community:  "Says who?"  We absolutely do have great concerns about economic disparity in Durham, however.  That concern is obviously part of a national and international problem of economic disparity, but we will certainly be most focused on Durham and what can be done here.  As opposed to the idea of me and our new leadership team trying to come forth with our own answers to complex questions like these we are looking at engaging the vast pools of talent and expertise we have available to us within the Durham Committee and partner with other organizations and educational institutions to work on devising strategies that will work best for Durham.  The problem is deeply rooted in our national and even international history, and it is not something that will be solved quickly and easily, and is probably going to be with us on some level for even decades and centuries to come.  That might sound pessimistic to some, but to me it reflects the reality of a situation that none of us created.

Rev-elution: What actions will DCABP take to expand and support diversity in membership? Specifically, youth, people living in public housing, people with disabilities and people of color who don’t identify as Black American?

We have many challenges before us, and diversity issues of the type that you mentioned are certainly part of the package of those issues.  The world has changed and continues to change, and that applies to the Durham Committee as well.  The Durham Committee of today is not the Durham Committee of yesterday, and almost certainly will continue to change.  Some might see those changes as happening too fast, and others might see them as happening too slowly, but we are certainly changing and adjusting.  We have seen an uptick in membership in just the last few weeks, and I predict that that membership increase is going to continue and accelerate.  More younger people are coming into the organization, and some of them are taking on key leadership roles.  We have not had an opportunity to collectively address many of these issues, but watch what we do much more than what we say we are going to do.  The proof of the pudding is in the eating.

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DCABP officers for 2023: Shea Ramirez, serving as Second Vice Chair, Thelma Glenn White as Third Vice Chair, and Dr. Tara Fikes will begin a new term as Executive Secretary.  

DCABP committee chairs for 2023: Angelique Stallings will continue to serve chair of the Civic Committee, and Rosa Anderson will continue to serve as Civic Committee Vice Chair.  Attorney Cassandra Stokes will be serving as new chair of the Political Committee, and Jadda Richardson serving as Vice Chair.  Dr. Wanda Boone will continue to serve as chair of the Health Committee, and Attorney Stephen Valentine will be the new chair of the organization’s Legal Redress Committee.

 

 

Rev-elution's letter to Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People board members

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On January 25, 2022, Carl W. Kenney II, president of Black Thought Media, LLC, and publisher & editor-in-chief at Durham Rev-elution, sent a letter to Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP) board members in response to a pending decision to rescind a $75,000 grant from The Movement for Black Lives.

The letter served a two-fold purpose: (1) as a rallying call for Black solidarity during a season of massive division, and (2) to facilitate a conversation regarding the merit of building a local Black agenda grounded in work taking place across the United States.

Given the DCABP failed to respond, Rev-elution offers parts of that statement in hope of facilitating community conversations related to reimagining and nurturing more vital relationships between Black residents and the institutions representing Black people.

This statement is NOT framed as a criticism of the current leadership of DCABP. Rather, these thoughts reflect mounting tension between a large mass of Black residents and organizations (DCABP, NAACP, Black churches and civic organization) with credos committed to the empowerment and mobilization of all Black people.

The statement begins after a heavily redacted introduction of thoughts:

My role as a member of the Black Press is to mend, equip and mobilize. It’s not to engage in rhetoric marked by the bitter words designed to further divide Durham’s Black community.

With that stated, I’m deeply troubled for a variety of reasons. Again, the purpose of this letter is not to judge the happenings of the DCABP. As an outsider, I’m mindful of the damage caused by outsiders who lack insight driven by work within the system. These are reflections driven by a desire to collaborate beyond any semblance of brokenness. My role is to cast and recast narratives regarding Black life in Durham.

A few thoughts to ponder:

Consider the work of The Movement for Black Lives

It is true, based on a surface evaluation, that The Movement for Black Lives has adopted a defund police model. It is part of their platform statement, and, given the branding of the past municipal election, seems antithetical to the political position of the DCABP. I suggest members of the DCABP explore both the political and cultural implications related to denouncing the work of The Movement for Black Lives as a major contributor in constructing a national, broad based Black agenda.

Consider the more than 50 organizations representing the interest of Black people across the United States. Consider the contribution and impact of the Black Lives Matter Network, the National Conference of Black Lawyers, the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights, Color of Change, Race Forward, Policy Link and other notable groups.

What is the impact and significance of refuting the efforts of one of the leading Black led umbrella organizations consisting of a coalition of movement organizations across the nation? What does it mean when the DCABP refuses to engage in the work of national coalition building?

The work of The Movement for Black Lives holds significance beyond one platform statement. What does it mean, for the culture of Black agenda building, for the DCABP to refuse to engage in work aimed at ending the war on Black people, the fight for reparations, the promotion of economic justice, the fight for independent Black political power and Black self-determination in all areas of society?

Black power is the power to name Black allegiances

The Black community isn’t a monolith. We are communities of divergent political, economic, and social interests. What it means to engage in work aimed at empowering, and leaning hard into the affairs of Black people, involves constant engagement with people on the other side of political perspective. We are not a people limited by alternative views. We claim all of it as part of the lingering juxtaposition between the American Dream and dreams deferred.

Isn’t this the ultimate weapon of white supremacy – the promotion of agendas forcing divides between the Black folks living with opposing views regarding how to get closer to that American dream?

We shouldn’t be forced to choose between Malcolm and Martin, Booker T and WEB, Marcus Garvey and A. Philip Randolph. The challenge of Black progress in America has long been about decisions to alienate from individuals and groups deemed overly radical or subversive to the will of white people who continue to define the terms of acceptability.

Establish new terms for Black engagement

The DCABP isn’t beholden to the power dynamics of the Democratic Party. It shouldn’t be measured by terms established by those outside -including me – of the work deemed important by the members of DCABP. You decide the legitimate partners. You establish the terms of the work you do, knowing others may be confused by some decisions.

The work of Black solidarity claims all members of the family willing to establish meaningful, sustainable relationships with the DCABP. Solidarity is not rooted in a prefabricated assumption of a perfect marriage. Being Black comes with ideological differences. Yes, we must own how some of these differences are rooted in centuries of white supremacy – an indoctrination that makes white normality the goal versus the casting of a bigger net hoped to grab hold of all of us. All of us, not a few Black folks clinging to the assumption of Black power begging for white acceptance.

Final words about a forward-thinking Black Agenda

So, there is goodness in all of this. We are NOT a broken people. We are wonderfully and beautifully made in the image of goodness. I celebrate the contributions of our ancestors – both known and unknown – who consistently carry US through many dangers, toils, and snares. Together, we can build new work rooted in our collective genius. The answer is in the rooms where we gather, together, with a will to build beyond this present misery.

I have thoughts related to moving forward. They involve an agenda crafted by all of us. Moving forward, I will do my part by listening to each of you. I will do so with an enduring faith in both the wisdom and legacy each of you brings to this critical moment. I’m excited by the truth beyond conflict stirred by misunderstanding. I own no truth of my own.

Pray for my footsteps in claiming my role as a local Girot. I embrace the power of storytelling with a passion greater than any of the fears we face.

Finally, I encourage members of the DCABP to accept the fellowship from The Movement for Black Lives. In doing so, I suggest naming the terms related to community building. We think different. There are a myriad of shades, experiences, and circumstances at the table. Never forget, we all Black.

Saying it loud, “I’m Black and I’m proud.”

Holla back.

Then came the crickets.

 

 

Post-election reflections: What happens to a dream deferred?

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Thank Black Jesus and all the disciples it’s over.

That’s my first thought in the aftermath of an election that drained my will to believe in the advent of a collective Black agenda. Elections are about people. They’re also about policy decisions. This election was also about defining and redefining what it means to be Black in a city known as the historical hub of Black prosperity.

Yesterday’s primary followed a city council election that seemingly shifted the power of Durham politics. The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP) celebrated the election of Mayor Elaine O’Neal, Mayor Pro Tem Mark-Anthony Middleton, DeDreanna Freeman and Leonardo Williams – all endorsed by the Black political action committee.

DCABP members touted the victory a statement against an agenda to further defund the police. Were we witnessing a historical shift back to DCABP controlling Durham’s political landscape, or was the previous election about more than local endorsements?

The battle for PAC supremacy is what separates Durham from other communities. Durham isn’t trapped in tension between political parties. Republicans are rarely welcomed in Durham’s political culture. Ours is a battle among varied interpretations of what makes a progressive agenda.

What do we learn from yesterday’s election after DCABP taking a major ass whipping? The perception of DCABP assuming PAC supremacy hit the brakes after candidates endorsed by People’s Alliance (PA), Durham Association of Educators (DAE) and Indy Week defeated candidates endorsed by DCABP.

Valerie Foushee defeated Nida Allam in the race for U.S. Congress; however, Allam won in Durham. Foushee’s strength outside of Durham was enough to defeat Allam by more than 16 percent.

What are the lessons for Durham’s Black community?

A Divided Black Agenda

I wonder if the founders of DCABP foresaw a day with multiple Black candidates pitted against each other? The group that met for the first time on August 15, 1935, were called “a committee of influential Negroes”. They drafted a creed to promote voter registration, to run and support candidates who promoted an agenda that benefits Black people and the support of initiative to improve education, health, housing and economic power in the Black community.

Yesterday’s election underscores the complications related to endorsing and electing Black candidates with varied perspectives involving public policies impacting Black life in Durham.

What happens when multiple Black people run for the same office? Some conclude its democracy at its best. It also unveils the mounting tension between electing Black people to office while promoting an agenda reflective of a common Black agenda. The days of naming and supporting Black candidates supported by the DCABP is circumvented by processes outside the control of the Black people gathered with the expressed desire to speak on behalf of other Black people.

The ultimate question regards the ongoing purpose of the DCABP. Black candidates no longer need the affirmation of the DCABP. Is that a good thing? Is it a bad thing, or is it just a thing?

More critical in this conversation is the surfacing of multiple Black led platforms and candidate slates. Voters endured the pressure of campaign workers with varied combinations of Black candidates. Yesterday’s election felt more like a civil war between Black people with different agendas.

This raises another fundamental question. Is it relevant, in 2022, to seek and implement an agenda aimed at addressing concerns of Durham’s Black community? Even more, is it valid to assume such an agenda can only be formed by a community of all Black people? Are the Black people endorsed by PA and DAE doing Black stuff better than the people endorsed by DCABP?

These are sensitive questions best addressed among Black people, but which Black people? Is it time for the Black people endorsed by PA and DAE to hold camp with the Black people endorsed by DCABP? I’m suggesting a massive readjustment related to the construction and implementation of a Black agenda.

As for this current moment, Durham is limited in addressing concerns involving Black people due to a severely divided Black agenda.

Grumbling in the Midst

I’m among the people who cheered when Donald Hughes, candidate for the district 2 school board seat, publicly rejected participating in PA and DAE’s endorsement process. I celebrated even more when Hughes blasted INDY Week for the reporting on the story involving his decision. There’s no doubt his public repudiation of INDY Week ended the possibility of receiving their endorsement.

I rooted for Hughes due to the significance of a possible win. Winning with no endorsement from PA and DAE would significantly speak to the limited power of PAC endorsements. I wished for a win due to the magnitude of that story.

Hughe’s statement introduced a troubling brewing development. Black people, once aligned by allegiance to the DCABP, broke from the ranks. Alternative Black candidates received support from Black people fueled by a variety of issues. Some personal. Some policy based.

The uncivil war presented in public view. District Court Judge Pat Evans failed to receive the endorsement from DCABP. The local press received news leads from people opposing Evans. It became nasty.

The personal mudslinging came from numerous camps. The collateral damage involves the depleted reputation of numerous first-time candidates. Will they be able to run again? Maybe. Does it matter? I sense a more pressing question.

The grumbling in the midst distracts from the importance of a Black agenda. There are no villains in this story beyond the deterioration of Black solidarity. Sadly, there is an absence of heroes charged with the task of rescuing the Black community from the appearance of massive dysfunction.

 Only the Shadow Knows What the Future Holds

Yesterday’s election relates the story of diminished dreams. This is the story about what happens when the determination to win elections takes precedence over the implementation of a progressive Black agenda.

Durham’s Black residents endure the encumbrance of living under the shadow of a once promising future. The life and legacy of Black Durham remains as a collective memory. The former Black Wall Street. Old Hayti with streets laced with successful Black businesses. The pride of Black life in Durham serves the people with the resources to remain glued to their dreams. Left are the disillusioned children with parents with barely enough to pay their bills.

I’m left beholden to a creed established long ago. A vision inspired and nurtured by Black residents.

I pray we’re not witnessing the death of those dreams.

 

Who will Durham Black voters support to replace U.S. Congressman David Price?

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The lineup of potential candidates to replace U.S. Congressman David Price feels like a pileup on Highway 40 during rush hour traffic. The clash between Cary, Chapel Hill and Durham is a reminder of the impact of road rage when too many people are headed in the same direction.

Voters are advised to buckle up while doing their best to avoid reckless drivers.

Rumors of Price’s retirement have circulated for years. Candidates have waited, patiently, for the announcement. State Senator Wiley Nickel, 45, announced his campaign with the news of a whopping $253,000 raised within hours of Price’s press conference. He was ready to go before hearing “ready, set, go.”

Nickel was elected to represent the 16^th state senate district in 2018. He was groomed as part of Vice President Al Gore’s team from 1996 to 2001 and worked as a member of Barack Obama’s White House national advance staff from 2008 until 2012.

Nida Allam, 27, is first Muslim American woman elected to political office in North Carolina. She was sworn in as a member of the Durham Board of County Commissioners on December 7, 2020. With less than one year of service as an elected official, Allam announced her candidacy for congress on Monday, November 8.

Allam served as the Political Director in North Carolina, South Carolina, New Jersey, and New York for U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders’ 2016 presidential campaign and as an organizing director for Justice Cheri Beasley’s campaign for the North Carolina Supreme Court.

State Senator Valerie Foushee, 65, joined the legislature in 2012. She represented district 50 (Orange and Durham) in the state house before becoming a State Senator after Ellie Kinnaird retirement from District 23. She has deep roots in Orange County politics, having served on the Board of Education for the Chapel Hill-Carrboro City School from 1997 to 2008 and the Orange County Board of County Commissioner from 2008-2010.

Floyd McKissick, Jr, 68, is known both for his name and work as a longtime Durham politician. He is the namesake of his father, the former leader of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), and founder of Soul City in Warren County, NC. After serving on the Durham City Council from 1993 to 2001, McKissick, Jr. was selected by the Durham Democratic Party to fill the vacancy in the district 20 senate seat after the death of Jeanne Lucas. McKissick was the chairman of the Durham County Democratic Party, which raised questions related to conflict of interest in the selection process.

On March 17, 2004, he was disciplined by the NC State Bar for professional misconduct involving a conflict of interest. The bar determined that McKissick inappropriately represented both sides in a 2000 dispute involving the estate of an elderly man.

McKissick was appointed to the North Carolina Utilities Commission by Governor Roy Cooper for a term expiring on June 30, 2025.

Mike Woodard, 62, has served in the North Carolina Senate since 2013. Before being elected to the State Senate, Woodward was a member of the Durham City Council from 2005 to 2013. He’s also an administrator at Duke University and the Duke University Health System.

Price was first elected to Congress in 1986. He was reelected for three terms before losing in 1994 to former Raleigh police chief Fred Heineman by a margin of less than 1%. In 1996, Price defeated Heineman in a rematch. Price has maintained control of the district for 33 years.

Key among Durham Black voters is the role of Tracy Lovett, Price’s longtime district liaison. Lovett is the daughter of Willie C. Lovett, the former chair of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People and member of the North Carolina Democratic Party Executive Committee. Before his death in 1992, Lovett won the primary to represent Durham in the State House Representatives. As a District Liason, Lovett has sustained relationships with Black Durham residents making it easier to embrace Price, a congressman with no natural ties to Durham.  

Wiley’s strength is in Wake County, where he has garnered several high-level endorsements. Foushee, a Black woman, is attractive to Durham’s Black community, but her limited ties to Durham is a challenge before the primary.

McKissick is a known entity with deep ties to the Black community. Some fear his past issues regarding conflict of interest will be used against him in a head-to-head race against a Republican candidate. McKissick, like all Durham based state politicians, has never been challenged by a Republican.

Woodward is candidate with longevity of service. Recently, he fought proposals to make it illegal to teach Black history in public schools. He knows Durham culture and the issues that resonate with residents.

Black voters desire a Black representative. Black women desire a Black woman.

In the race to Congress, Durham Black voters’ matter.

 

 

 

 

Can Durham County Commissioner Nida Allam get elected to Congress despite having a Black people problem?

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COMMENTARY – Few people are surprised by Nida Allam’s announcement that she’s running for U.S. Congress. It’s been expected before she was elected to serve on the Durham Board of County Commissioners just over a year ago. I repeat, just over a year ago.

Durham was a step to the next step. Win one to get one. In this case, a small fish in a small pond in hope of becoming a big fish in the ocean.

Some people say it’s too soon. She hasn’t served long enough. Others say she hasn’t done enough. She hasn’t paid her dues. The Democratic Party elite are interested in a candidate who has a proven track record. It’s not cool to step in front of the line.

That’s true, but there is a more pressing question when it comes to Allam’s candidacy.

Allam, the first Muslim American woman to be elected to office in North Carolina, has a Black people problem.

Members of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People claim Allam made a promise not to vote to terminate former Durham County Manager Wendell Davis. If true, she broke her promise. More troubling is her lack of sensitivity after the vote was made.

After a series of reports on Rev-elution, regarding discontent among Black residents, Allam supported the agenda set by Wendy Jacobs, the former chair of the board.

When Durham County employees requested a meeting with members of the board to discuss concerns after Davis’ dismissal, Allam remained silent. When community leaders pressed the board to follow the recommendations of both the county/city appointed Racial Equity Task Force and James E. Coleman, the attorney hired by the county to investigate racial bias and unfair treatment in county government, Allam failed to force accountability.

On March 8, Allam blocked the recommendation of County Attorney Lowell Siler to secure the services of The Robert Bobb Group to offer racial equity training. Allam sided with other commissioners to pursue training after county staff brought two more training proposals to review. Board Chair Brenda Howerton was the only member of the commission to oppose the plan.

Allam followed the argument stated on social media by members of People’s Alliance and The Durham Association of Educators. They noted Robert Bobb’s past as a consultant in Detroit, MI. Some Black residents watching the virtual commissioners meeting noted disdain in addressing Bobb and Siler. Both men are Black.

On March 22, The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People released a statement requesting commissioners apologize for the “blatant disrespect shown” at the meeting.

“The community witnessed first-hand how certain county commissioners treat Black County staff and a Black consultant seeking to provide much needed, individualized services,” the letter read.

Allam, Jacobs and Heidi Carter released statements refuting charges of disrespect. The three commissioners stated their reluctance to employ the services of The Robert Bobb Group was rooted in favoring procurement practices that seek multiple bids.

Allam agreed with the assessment of People’s Alliance, the mostly white Durham based political action committee, that Davis’s contract should not be renewed because he’s too moderate and is paid too much.

Black residents haven’t forgotten Allam’s role in the unravelling of race relations in Durham.  

It’s too soon. She can’t be trusted to listen to Black voters. She failed to build significant relationships with the people on the other side of the decision to oust the former County Manager.

Can Allam win without the support of Black voters? A clue comes from Twitter.

A shout out from Keith Allison followed by a tweet from Ihan Omar. If Allam has her way, the race for Congress will not be determined by local Black voters. It will be won by the support of the national media and progressive politicians desirous of an addition to The Squad - joining Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), Ayanna Pressley (D-MA), Ihan Omar (D-MN), and Rashida Tlaib (D-MI).

I advise slowing your roll before jumping into the ocean. The small fish in Durham desire being heard and respected before giving you a lift.

 

How to destroy a Black politician: The LeVon Barnes decision

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“carl, if you are in town this week, I would love to have a sit down with you and learn about the history of Durham politics,” the request was sent on September 5, 2017, by LeVon Barnes at 9:34 a.m. It was the beginning of an ongoing conversation involving politics in Durham.

We met the following day at Coco Cinnamon. It was a pleasant day. He found me outside as I was sipping a glass of yerba mate. We discussed Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, the Black Baptist pastor who marched with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

Barnes called Walker his mentor, a point that made it easier for me to understand his passion for politics. My previous conversations with Dr. Walker were a journey into a period of American history when Black men and women did more than stand on the sideline while others fought for their rights.

Dr. Walker was dying. The sadness in the air connected the two of us beyond the galling drama of Durham politics.

The details matter when you’re discussing the political death of a Black man.

Barnes placed his name in the hat as a candidate for the Ward 2 city council seat. Two other Black men, Mark-Anthony Middleton and John Rooks, were also running. Rooks received the endorsement of People’s Alliance’s (PA) Political Action Committee. Rooks was under attack for comments on his questionnaire perceived as homophobic.

Rooks responded with a rebuttal that blamed a staff volunteer for filling out the questionnaire. Barnes attributed the rebuttal as the work of Tom Miller, a PA board member.

PA’s General Body reversed the PAC’s recommendation after Charlie Reece made an impassioned appeal for the group to endorse Mark-Anthony Middleton. It was a contentious meeting with supporters from McDougald Terrance vying for Rooks with members of Congregations, Associations and Neighborhoods (CAN) supporting Middleton. Barnes was left on the outside in a battle between two other Black men lobbying for the support of the powerful, mostly white PAC.

“Off the bat, you need to have a huge, volunteer base. Organizations matter. The best candidate sometimes doesn’t win,” Barnes stated in a message sent to me on October 11, 2017. “Are we really progressive, or do we just talk progressive. A lot of the voting base is not informed, it doesn’t matter what you say, as long as the People Alliance backs you.

It was a precursor of things to come. Barnes ran without the support of the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP). He met with Omar Beasley, who served as the chair at the time, and Keith Bishop, a member of DCABP’s executive committee. They advised Barnes not to run. They felt more time was needed to build relationships.

I gave the same advice. Barnes was sprinting in a race that required the endurance of a long-distance runner. He was determined not to give up.

“Meaning I would love to be someone who is remembered for being a culture changer here,” he wrote on October 24, 2017. “Whose leadership transcends all people, because it was pure, and it was about people. I guess like a Wyatt Tee Walker or Dr. King.”

The Decision

Fast forward to “The Decision”.

That’s the title Barnes gave to episode #26 on his "Unapologetic Podcast". “The Decision” was to endorse Charlie Reece, Jillian Johnson and Javiera Cabellero for city council rather than Joshua Gunn, his fraternity brother. The trio branded themselves as Bull City Together and hoped their experience as incumbents on the city council would be enough to defeat Gunn, a popular Durham native.

Barnes filed as a candidate in a crowded field for the Durham Board of County Commissioners. The word circulating was Barnes endorsed the Bull City Together slate in exchange for their promised endorsement.

“Man, it’s getting harder to defend you,” I stated in a message sent to Barnes on December 30, 2019. “Tell me it all isn’t true. A fundraiser for you being planned by Charlie, Jillian, and Javier. The promise of a PA endorsement.”

“Anything to take me out. I’m sorry, but my level of disgust is real. Somebody is going to believe it,” Barnes responded. “Plus, you know when something like that is said it runs deeper than just an election.”

On Thursday, October 21, Barnes bared his soul on his podcast. He took every question and criticism I launched to get at the truth. We talked about his tarnished reputation. We discussed his being called a sellout by some people in the Black community. He also shared the burden of it all – the loss of a girlfriend and contemplating suicide.

The exchange was part confessional coupled with the offering of redemption. A big mistake was made. Barnes talked about the mistakes.

He agreed to work on Reece’s campaign due to their relationship. Barnes, a physical education teacher and basketball coach, received funding from Reece and his wife for Young Male Achievers, his nonprofit organization.

Barnes was serving as Co-Chair of the DCABP Education Committee with Dr. Ronda Taylor Bullock when he agreed to work with Reece. He failed to divulge his involvement with members of the DCABP. Working on a political campaign was a violation of the organization’s bylaws.

Barnes says he felt justified after the DCABP endorsed Reece for city council. The moment of his critical decision came when he was told Reece would campaign with Cabellero and Johnson. He continued to work on the campaign after learning of Gunn’s candidacy.

He told members of the Bull City Together team he wouldn’t engage in supporting negative statements made about his fraternity brother. The promise was challenged after a heated exchange at the August 21, 2019, PA endorsement meeting. Rodrigo Dorfman was concerned that an endorsement of Gunn would leave Cabellero without the support she needed to continue as the first Latina to serve on the council.

Barnes says he heard the exchange between Dorfman and Nia Wilson, co-director of SpiritHouse, and Michelle Cotton Laws, who challenged David Price for U.S. Congress. During a meeting a few days later called to address concerns related to the exchange, Barnes says he fought for some form of censure due to the attack on two Black women.

He continued to serve on the Bull City Together campaign. There was an opportunity to bow out. He was being compensated for his work. He honored his promise to Reece.

What followed was a rapid regression that placed him on the outside of Durham’s Black politically engaged community. He made a decision that hampered his relationships with members of Alpha Phi Alpha, the fraternity he shares with Gunn and a pack of local Black pastors. His role with the DCABP was over.

He lost his bid to join the Durham Board of County Commissioners. He fought for Reece, his friend who convinced him to work on his campaign. Reece didn’t fight on behalf of Barnes when he needed endorsements. Cabellero and Johnson left him to contend on his own.

The price he paid was isolation and rejection.

Barnes says he doesn’t feel used. It sounds like he was played like keys on a piano. The music is a broken record of another Black man sacrificed for promoting the wishes of others not willing to repay the favor.

Is it worth it?

Barnes played a game like the one played by Pierce Freelon. The puzzle involving how Freelon won a seat on the city council has pieces that fit a narrative of gains made after walking away from the Black community. Freelon may point to policies aimed at abolishing the police. Black leaders point to crafty maneuvering after failing to endorse Farad Ali for Mayor and Gunn, another homegrown Black man who, like Freelon, is a hip-hop recording artist.

Barnes says he considered suicide after his friends walked away – his girlfriend, members of the DCABP, and the Bull City Together team. He took a bullet for their political cause. When he suffered from the wound, they weren’t there to offer CPR.

I saw Barnes walking, alone, at the Black Farmers Market on a sunny Sunday afternoon. It was months after he lost the election and word of his perceived treason flooded conversations in the Black community. He was wearing an Alpha Phi Alpha jacket – alone. In that moment, I thought of Gunn, who, at the time, was a partner of Provident1898, the co-working space in the North Carolina Mutual building. The farmer’s market was held in the NC Mutual parking lot. It was hard not to make the connection.

There was a sadness on his face. It was the look of dejection that comes with attempts to overcome a bad decision. I thought of stopping. I didn’t. Maybe, it was too soon. Maybe, it was too late.

What’s next?

I believe in redemption stories. Barnes isn’t 40, yet. There’s time to overcome the misfortune of a bad decision. I’m reminded we all make mistakes. It’s much harder when mistakes are made in public view. There was a moment in the podcast. It was a constant thread of moments, like a great chain of consciousness beckoning a pain deeper than things imagined finding peace. I felt the call of ancestors commissioning the burning of white sage and a bawl of deep unto deep.

I felt the presence of Dr. Wyatt Tee Walker, like a descending angel, reminding me of a greater calling. The work of wounded spirits and souls harmed by bad decisions caught me in the middle of Barnes’ confession. I’m reminded that my work with Black men and women rebuffs the urge to throw the gifts of life away. There was merit in Barnes’ confession beyond the work of a political office. I heard every word as a symbol of grace. Each word. Like moans in search of redemption.

The lesson

It pains me that Barnes was treated like disposable goods. His yearning to make a difference was used to manipulate him into serving members of the Bull City Together team. There complicity may not be intentional, but the outcome is irrevocable – like the last rights before the last breath.

These are lessons on how to destroy a Black politician. You cover him with promises. You surround him with perceived validation. You seduce him with promises of a better way on the other side of political visions. You suck the life from those dreams after a perpetual season of disappointment - no endorsements to match the passion.

It looks like gold on the other side of those hills. It’s fools’ gold. Don’t go there, because it gets lonely after the promise fades into the truth of being manipulated into carrying the heavy load of their tainted victory.

I welcomed Barnes back home.

Join me in the reunion.

 

 

Activism: More than a photo opp

 Rev-elution offers independent, local, Black journalism and reflections on faith in public space. Support Rev-elution by contributing at: Cash app, $CMizzou, or Venmo, $Carl-Kenney-1

Commentary: carl w. kenney ii

The world I knew completely changed on the day I met Alexandra Valladares.

A life limited by eyes wide shut took a blink to discover a world with unmeasured dimension. I knew the multiple shades of blackness and the beats and rhythms inspiring me to dance. I knew the oasis of Black love and the tender strokes of my Black mama’s love whenever sadness shifted to depression. I understood the power of collective memories and the call of the ancestors beckoning me to keep moving when troubles got in my way.

Still, something was missing.

I felt a divide created by distance, language, culture, and complicated histories. I felt the challenge of telling untold stories with a firm understanding of the life and witness of Brown people. I had to admit what I didn’t know. It’s difficult telling stories without discernment of lessons limited to articles and Facebook postings.

We met at a local coffeehouse. I began by telling Alexandra I wanted to write a story for Durham Magazine about the experiences of Latina’s living in Durham. Five minutes later, I told her I wanted to write a series of articles. Ten minutes later, I told her she needed to write about her experience. Finally, 30 minutes later, I begged her to run for office.

I fought back tears as she talked about jumping the fence to enter America after escaping the hardship of Honduras. She shared her experience of living in McDougald Terrace, graduating from Hillside High School and North Carolina Central University. She disclosed being a single parent after getting married young, enduring a divorce, and doing her best to be a mother in a system packed with limitations.

We discussed the burden of advocacy - the brutal pain related to witnessing parents struggle to communicate feelings when language barriers get in the way.

Again, I begged her to run for office.

It was complicated.

After fighting to secure a spot on the Durham City Council for Javiera Cabellero, I witnessed the disappointment when Cabellero failed to endorse Alexandra. She didn’t complain. It wasn’t mentioned, but, I wondered, why not. I watched as advocates of Latina inclusion on the city council failed to acknowledge the importance of the same on the board of education. I noted the extreme contradiction, prayed, and prepared for a better day.

The answer to that prayer was to build and promote a Black and Brown coalition. The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People endorsed Alexandra over Steve Unruhe, a popular and competent member of the school board. Alexandra narrowly received the endorsement of People’s Alliance. Some of the members of People’s Alliance were infuriated and responded with a vicious counterattack.

I met new brothers and sisters. I listened to Ivan Almonte tell the story and reasons for his activism. I developed a bond with Sandro A Mendoza, another brother from another mother, who teaches me new lessons every time I shake his hand. My respect for Aidil Ortiz grew more as I watched her interact with my Brown brothers and sisters with a grace brewed after years of listening to each other talk about life in the Bull City.

My celebration of Alexandra’s placement on the Durham Public School’s Board of Education is because it matters. Not just because she’s Latina, but because she represents what it means to build an authentic Black and Bown coalition. She exemplifies activism with the people.

My work with Alexandra, Aidil, Sandro and Ivan imparts lessons in listening. They help me think critically about the massive assumptions people make regarding inclusion. Genuine inclusion happens with the people. It’s not a photo opp. It doesn’t seek the affirmation of people not impacted by the labor. It’s not engineered by out-of-town activism with ripples of contributions from people who never stepped foot in the community. It’s not the ideological vision of state and national directives formed in isolation from the people who live both night and day with blockades limiting pure inclusion.

My Brown brothers and sisters teach me lessons about the purity of love and community. This is the work they do because the survival of their neighbors depends on their success. They do it when no one is watching. They do it with limited resources and the lack of consistent affirmation.

I think of them when I witness the influx of endorsements and campaign material from organizations with limited Durham connections. I listen to them as they remind me of the work done with and for the people. I pray when I consider the privilege of support afforded the people who walk and talk with the advantage of Latino class privilege.

Not my words and thoughts. It’s the message taught when eyes, once wide shut, blinks twice to discover a world of unmeasurable dimension.

I see the world in Black and Brown. Shades of white are welcome.

 

Is this a message from Durham voters: Part 2

 Rev-elution offers independent, local, Black journalism and reflections on faith in public space. Support Rev-elution by contributing at: Cash app, $CMizzou, or Venmo, $Carl-Kenney-1

 

Data collected by University of Oklahoma Associate Professor Andrea Benjamin tells a story regarding a potential radical shift in Durham politics. For more than a decade, winning municipal elections is the result of valuable endorsements from People’s Alliance, The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, The Friends of Durham, and the Indy Week - a local newspaper.

The influence of local political action committees has expanded to include the Durham Association of Educators, Durham4All, and other emerging political players. The power of the PACs has taken on a life of its own, making Benjamin’s thesis – the influence of endorsements in deciding elections – the most critical work of a local campaign team.

It’s only a primary, but could Durham be amid a radical shift?

Referendum of Political Action Committees

Many residents express lingering concerns regarding candidate endorsements. The legitimacy of People Alliance’s endorsement of Javier Cabellero for Mayor, Marion Teniade Johnson for City Council Ward 1, and A.J. Williams for City Council for Ward 3 is perceived to be the outcome of a takeover. Concerns include the influence of voters who don’t reside in Durham, and an agenda packed with the platforms of Durham4All, Durham Beyond Policing, Southern Vision Alliance, and Durham Association of Educators.

The dominance of People’s Alliance over the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People shifted when IndyWeek broke with a longstanding tradition by not endorsing the same slate as People’s Alliance. The IndyWeek endorsement singles, for many, a divide within the ranks of Durham’s white progressive community.

Balanced Approach to Law Enforcement

When Cabellero, Jillian Johnson and Charlie Reece united to campaign as the Bull City Together Team, it came with a platform that includes massive police reform. Many voters’ express concerns that a disagreement regarding funding to support additional police impacted Police Chief C.J Davis’s decision to accept the job as head of the Memphis, TN police department.

Efforts to defund Durham’s police department is met with resistance during an uptick in gun violence. Cabellero, Johnson and Reece are viewed as a team determined to add Marion T. Johnson and A.J. Williams to abolish the police, a goal communicated by members of Durham Beyond Policing.

Meanwhile, O’Neal, a respected former district and superior court judge, is trusted by many to have the skills and experience to lead balanced conversations regarding criminal justice reform.

Checks, Balances and Conflicts of Interest

Many Durham voters express concerns regarding a city council without disagreement.

DeDreana Freeman, Ward 1 incumbent, is criticized for raising questions related to accountability in her votes regarding affordable housing. Freeman’s concerns are consistent with many of her constituents.

“DeDreana Freeman was targeted by Jillian [Johnson] precisely for her independence and for telling the truth,” Sherri Zann Rosenthal, a former deputy city attorney, posted recently on Facebook. Rosenthall was assigned to handle issues within the Housing and Community Development Department. “DeDreana voted against the so-called Expanding Housing Choices ordinance and was the only member of the Council to do so. That ordinance was wrapped in the cloak of anti-racism and affordable housing but actually did nothing for either of those goals.”

As part of her work as a longtime senior city attorney, Rosenthall legally structured the city’s affordable housing and loan programs. Rosenthall says the ordinance approved by the city council opened historic neighborhoods to developers.

“Jillian had a vested interest in the passage of this ordinance, as she planned to build a rental duplex,” Rosenthal continued. “The duplex plan was already submitted to the Historic Preservation Commission (HPC) prior to the Council and Commission vote to pass the HPC ordinance. She didn’t disclose her personal interest, and she didn’t recuse herself.”

Rosenthal says Steve Schewel is part of a real estate LLC with family members, and Vernetta Alston formed a real estate LLC while still a member of the Durham City Council. Alston is currently shown in the North Carolina Secretary of State database as being associated with three real estate develop entities. Alston currently serves as a member of the North Carolina House of Representatives

The Rev-elution reporting on the Participatory Budgeting process lifted concerns related to Jillian Johnson’s influence in the process. Johnson championed Participatory Budgeting and served as the city council representative on the steering committee. A.J. Williams, a candidate for city council, serves as the Director of Incubation and Ideation Labs for Southern Vision Alliance where Johnson is the Co-Chair of the Board of Directors and the former Director of Operations and Chief Financial Officer. Williams is a member of the steering committee.

Marion T. Johnson, a candidate for city council, serves as the Chair of the Participatory Budgeting Steering Committee after working as a member of Johnson’s campaign team. Susan E. Goodman, the mother of Paul Bendich, Johnson’s partner, also served on the steering committee. The Participatory Budgeting Committee awarded Southern Vision Alliance, the nonprofit organization where Johnson serves as co-chair, $50,000, the maximum allowed during the Phase 2, 2021 budget cycle.

Commitment to Racial Equity

Many residents point to O’Neal’s work as the Co-Chair of Durham’s Racial Equity Task Force and Freeman’s work as Co-Chair of Episcopalians United Against Racism. Both groups offer convincing leadership before and after Durham County Commissioners failed to extend the contract of former County Manager Wendell Davis.

During a period of increased racial hostility, some members of the Durham City Council publicly supported Durham County Commissioner Heidi Carter after Davis wrote a letter addressing comments that he perceived to be racist. When Cabellero supported the decision not to extend Davis’ contract, based on an assessment that he failed to support public education, many Black residents viewed her comments to be an intrusion into county government affairs.

Notwithstanding Cabellero’s perspective regarding Davis’ failure to support education funding, many local voters are seeking a leadership style that advances the recommendations of the Durham Racial Equity Task Force report.

Are Durham Voters Making a Statement?

Benjamin’s statement in part 1 holds true. There isn’t enough evidence to formulate a conclusion. Things could shift over the next thirty days, when votes are cast in the General Election on November 2.

What we do know is close to 70% of Durham voters supported O’Neal, Freeman, and Middleton in the primary. Will that translate in the General Election? Will Durham voters select A.J. Williams, who is supported by Johnson and Cabellero, or Leonardo Williams, who is campaigning with Freeman and Middleton.

One thing is clear. This is a clash of opposing ideas like Durham has never seen during my time in the city.

 

Rev-elution Durham municipal election endorsements: First up, Mayor

 Rev-elution offers independent, local, Black journalism and reflections on faith in public space. Support Rev-elution by contributing at: Cash app, $CMizzou, or Venmo, $Carl-Kenney-1

Getting the endorsement results from Durham political action committees is like watching a beauty contest. The winner is based on the eyes of the beholders. The political action committees want us to believe tremendous thought went into the process, but it often comes down to who best fits the swimming suit.

In Durham, political action committees have ruled the outcome of elections. It’s that truth that provoked my desire to play the endorsement game. While Durham’s People Alliance and Durham Association of Educators tag team against the Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People, words like progressive, inclusion and gentrification are used in a battle for the soul of the city. It’s hard to win when the larger more financed groups join forces to offset the agenda of a group formed to consider the affairs of Black people.

My criterion for endorsement considers more than where people stand on the political sphere. I’m bearing in mind my perception of what Durham residents need most. Durham is damaged. Durham is broken due to contradictory ideologies. Durham is fractured by divergent perspective regarding the role racism plays in public policy decisions. The battles are intense, and Durham needs politicians capable of modeling leadership that comprises more than the sentiments of the people on their team. That’s how I see the bathing suit.

This process has been grueling due to how deeply winning for the home team is imbedded into local political culture. Most of the players are defined by the game. The fray for political supremacy outweighs a measured approach to government. As difficult as the task has been, my endorsements, and statements reflecting the rationale behind these endorsements, reflects weeks of reading, hearing, and analyzing hours of statements from candidates. It also contemplates Durham history and recent events.

These recommendations aren’t made in a vacuum. In considering the merits of service as members of the city council, I’ve thought critically about how each candidate can potentially hinder collective healing or move us beyond the chaos entrenched in decades of political maneuvering.

Mayor

Seven people are running for Mayor – Rebecca Harvard Barnes, Charlitta Burruss, Javiera Caballero, Sabrina “Bree” Davis, Jahnmaud Lane, Elanie O’Neal and Daryl Quick. I respect the rights of all citizens to participate in the electoral process; however, five candidates are excluded based on their lack of experience and perceived understanding regarding what the job entails.

Elaine O’Neal and Javiera Caballero are running on the strength of strong endorsements from former Durham mayors. It was no surprise that William V. “Bill Bell, who served as mayor for 16 years (2001-2017), endorsed O’Neal based on her long service as a judge and dean of the North Carolina Central University Law School. Many residents were disappointed when current Mayor Steve Schewel endorsed Caballero. Given Schewel’s work and relationship with O’Neal, many assumed he would sit this one out. The perception that Schewel’s endorsement is a slap in the face of Black residents is based on his public support of Heidi Carter, and his tenure as a former member and vice-chair of the Durham Board of Public Schools. Schewel’s popularity as Durham’s mayor has been fraught with tension among some Black residents who never embraced his leadership.

My endorsement considers a trend that minimizes the integrity of the election process. The previous two elections have ended with members of the city council adding a new member. After Caballero replaced Schewel, Pierce Freelon replaced Vernetta Alston after she was elected to replace Maryann Black in the state senate.

It also matters that Caballero campaigned as part of the Jillian Johnson, Charlie Reece team. The public perception related to the dangers of their collective force significantly impacts my endorsement decision. Their vocal intrusion in the affairs of the Board of County Commissioners and the Board of Education massively impacts potential reconciliation after months of contention before and after the termination of former Durham County Manager Wendell Davis.

On February 19, 2010, Caballero released a statement endorsing Heidi Carter after the leaked email from County Manager Wendell Davis. The healing of Durham demands a critical gaze at how comments made by Caballero, Johnson, Reece and Schewel are heard and felt by Black residents. The combined efforts of the city council coalition energize a perception regarding a lack of sensitivity to the affairs of Black citizens.

My endorsement measures the valued work of Caballero as a member of the city council. Her support of LA Pulguita de la Avondale, when there were efforts to force vendors off the property, is significant and models inclusive governance for other elected leaders. She stood in solidarity with Durham’s immigrant community to block Senate Bill 101 and House Bill 62. Her leadership on the city council in advocating on behalf of local artist speaks to the significant role she plays in listening to and learning from citizens.

I endorse O’Neal not because Caballero lacks the qualities of leadership essential in service as mayor. My decision is based on: (1) concerns regarding granting the city council authority to select her replacement after doing so after the two previous elections., (2) Comments in support of Heidi Carter and the termination of Wendell Davis that intensified racial hostility, and (3) apprehensions among many residents that the block agenda of current and potential members of the council will have implications regarding balanced governance.

My endorsement of O’Neal considers her work as co-chair of Durham’s Racial Equity Task Force. The recommendations of the task force have implications on the management of both city and county government and offers a blueprint for shifting the culture of hostility. O’Neal participation in constructing antiracism procedures is best juxtaposed against the public actions of members of the city council who placed themselves in the middle of an already overwhelming hostile situation.

If Durham residents truly honor the values on diversity, equity, and inclusion, they will make Elaine O’Neal mayor while honoring and supporting the continued work of Javiera Caballero as an at-large representative on the city council. Together, work can be done to alter the perceptions keeping Durham entangled in massive confusion.

Next up: Ward 1