Friday, November 28, 2025

Reparations: The Backlash before the breakthrough

There’s a section in my last book where I ponder my life, education and opportunities comparative to my daddy. My Daddy’s Promise: Lessons Learned Through Caregiving, is the outpouring of my soul upon considering the burden my daddy carried on his back. I concluded a need to be grateful. My daddy, born in 1936 in McBaine, MO, didn’t have the privilege of attending the University of Missouri. Black students weren’t allowed to enroll back then. My daddy didn’t have the privileges of Black folks living in the South. I wonder, would it have been different if there were more HBCU’s to shift the culture of Black people seeking economic privilege.

 

There is a whirlwind of emotions related to that discussion, but it doesn’t stop there. Would it have been different for me?

 

In pondering, I made a gratitude list for Thanksgiving: mama, daddy (he’s still with me with all the ancestors), my children, grandchildren, one uncle still alive (18 aunts and uncles sharing camp with my sister Crystal on the other side), friends, health, faith, peace of mind, the resources to survive – pause. Radical shifting.

 

Why is there only enough to survive given the contributions of my ancestors, including the ones trapped in the African slave trade? Pause. Reflect. Cry. Breathe, Pause. Damnit. Why Lord.

 

Reparations. 

 

For a brief moment, the nation seemed poised to engage in a long-avoided conversation about repairing the economic devastation wrought on Black Americans. The scholarly groundwork was not only being laid; it was becoming impossible to ignore. A wave of rigorous research, spanning disciplines and generations, had begun to converge around a shared conclusion: America owes a debt. And the receipts - centuries of laws, policies, and practices designed to suppress Black advancement - are meticulously documented.

 

But just as the country approached that rare inflection point, the ground shifted. The attack on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives didn’t emerge in a vacuum. It followed, and was arguably provoked by, the growing intellectual and political legitimacy of reparations.

 

A SCHOLARLY FOUNDATION THAT COULD NO LONGER BE DENIED

 

The sequence is important.

 

Economist Sandy Darity, alongside A. Kristen Mullen and Lucas Hubbard, produced The Black Reparations Project: A Handbook for Racial Justice, an unflinching framework detailing the moral and economic rationale for redressing the racial wealth gap. Their work built on decades of critical scholarship by Randall Robinson, Derrick Bell, KimberlĂ© Crenshaw, Richard Delgado, Patricia Williams, and others who developed critical race theory as a lens to expose how racism is embedded in America’s laws and institutions, not as aberrations, but as design.

 

Nikole Hannah-Jones’ 1619 Project broadened public understanding of slavery’s foundational role in shaping American capitalism and democracy. Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow documented the modern machinery of mass incarceration. Isabel Wilkerson revealed caste as America’s hidden operating structure, and writers like Ta-Nehisi Coates forced the nation to confront, with uncompromising clarity, the generational extraction of Black wealth.

 

Together, these works formed more than a scholarly canon. They formed a case - coherent, evidence-driven, widely accessible - that America’s racial inequities were not accidents. They were the predictable outcomes of policies intentionally crafted to advantage white Americans while immobilizing Black people.

 

And when a case becomes clear, remedies become harder to avoid.

 

Reparations were gaining credibility not simply as a moral imperative, but as a practical, data-backed necessity.

 

THE COUNTEROFFENSIVE

 

Then came the counterattack.

 

Donald Trump entered office promising to be a disrupter, and in this arena, he delivered: not by addressing the scholarship, but by attacking structures that might operationalize its conclusions. With the support of the Supreme Court shaped in his image, the conservative movement didn’t merely critique DEI - it sought to dismantle it. The Court’s landmark decision restricting race-conscious policies in education, hiring, and contracting effectively kneecapped one of the few remaining mechanisms institutions used to address historical inequities.

 

The Supreme Court decision framed DEI as divisive, unfair, even dangerous. But make no mistake, the target wasn’t the trainings or the job titles. The target is the emerging legitimacy of reparations.

 

Because DEI, for all its shortcomings, represented an acknowledgment that historical harm requires active correction. If even modest corrective efforts could be portrayed as discriminatory, then reparations, which demand far more, could be dismissed as unconstitutional before they even reach the starting line.

 

REPARATIONS STALLED BY DESIGN

 

The Supreme Court’s DEI decision did more than ban certain practices. It rewrote the narrative: any race-based remedy, no matter its historic justification, is now suspect. The ruling fortified a political climate in which advocating for reparations is construed as radical rather than rectifying. And it handed opponents a new legal vocabulary to argue that repairing racial harm is itself a form of racial discrimination.

 

This shift is no accident. It is a strategic recalibration.

 

Instead of debating the merits of reparations, a debate scholars are winning, political actors changed the terrain. They moved the conversation from history to legality, from morality to perceived fairness, from evidence to fear.

 

With one ruling, the Court curtailed the ability of universities, corporations, and public institutions to acknowledge racial inequity in any operational way. It also fortified a backlash movement built on the claim that addressing racism constitutes racism.

 

A DEBT DEFERRED - BUT NOT ERASED

 

For Black Americans, the consequences are profound. Reparations are not just symbolic; they are an economic necessity for repairing a racial wealth gap created through redlining, discriminatory GI Bills, unequal pay, stolen labor and a criminal justice system engineered for extraction.

 

Dismantling DEI weakens the infrastructure that could have carried reparations forward with policy labs, research institutions, philanthropic initiatives, corporate equity programs, and government offices staffed by people who understand the stakes.

 

But even in this retrenchment, the scholarship remains. And scholarship has a way of outlasting political winds.

 

Darity’s models for direct payments, the 1619 Project’s historical reframing, the legal clarity of Bell and Crenshaw, the sociological rigor of Wilkerson, the moral clarity of Coates, and the systems critique of Alexander - these texts will continue to teach. They will continue to persuade. They will continue to expose the unfinished business of justice.

 

THE PATH FORWARD

 

The backlash to DEI is not simply a rejection of diversity efforts. It is a defensive maneuver against the possibility of accountability. As the country moved closer than many realized to accepting reparations as not only legitimate but necessary; the question now is whether this generation will allow a political backlash, one manufactured in response to truth-telling, to halt the nation’s moral progress.

 

Reparations are not a fringe idea. They are a debt. And debts, when ignored, do not disappear. They accumulate interest.

 

I closed my eyes upon feeling my daddy’s presence.

 

“Keep writing son,” a presence stronger than before. “Tell them the story about how we will overcome.”

 

 

 

Tuesday, May 20, 2025

Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People faces collapse after accusation of embezzlement

The Durham Committee on the Affairs of Black People (DCABP) faces implosion after the former chair of the political committee allegedly embezzled more than $60,000 of the money raised to support candidates endorsed by the political committee.

Floyd McKissick, Jr., the chair of the group founded in 1935 to address issues impacting Durham’s Black residents, led a process that involved contracting the services of Lolita A. Wynn, a Durham certified public accountant, to measure the damage.

The State Bureau of Investigation (SBI) is investigating the findings of the report. The name of the accused is not being disclosed by the Rev-elution to honor the process of the investigation until the DCABP makes an official public statement. 

Key members of the leadership team resigned during the May 19 meeting of the political committee citing a lack of transparency since the accusation of embezzlement in January.

While the SBI investigate the case, members of the DCABP haven’t seen Wynn’s report. McKissick claims the right to protect the person accused during an ongoing investigation.

“This evening, I resigned as Vice Chair of the Durham Committee of the Affairs of Black People PAC,” Donald Hughes posted on his Facebook page. “The PAC Chair, former Mayor Elaine O’Neal, also resigned this evening.”

Hughes shares the reason for his decision. 

“So much has happened since being sworn in a few months ago, but it boils down to disrespect and undermining by Floyd McKissick – Chair of the Durham Committee of the Affairs of Black People general body,” said Hughes.

DCABP Housing Committee Chair Jacqueline Wagstaff (Hughes' mother), and former Durham County Commissioner Nimasheena Burns resigned from their leadership roles.

“I honor your voices and your choices,” said Stella Adams, former chair of the housing committee, on her Facebook page. “I look forward to working with you as we continue to find ways to improve the lives of the Black community.”

McKissick defeated Larry Hall, a former member of the North Carolina House of Representatives and Secretary of the North Carolina Department of Military and Veterans Affairs, to become chair of the DCABP. Within days of his installation, McKissick faced unravelling the controversy that may sidetrack the work of the political committee in upcoming elections.




Friday, February 14, 2025

Kendrick Lamar's Televised Black Revolution

I stood in full attention as Black bodies dressed in red, white and blue formed an American flag. I bowed in humble submission when they broke position triggering thoughts of their complicated relationship with the stars and stripes. 

 

Kendrick Lamar’s Super Bowl halftime show is understood best within the context of how he landed on that stage.

 

 

In 2016, Colin Kaepernick took a knee during the playing of “The Star-Spangled Banner” to protest the deaths of Black men and women at the hands of police officers. 

 

 

“To me, this is bigger than football, and it would be selfish on my part to look the other way,” Kaepernick said in The Guardian. “There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder.”

 

 

The NFL responded by kicking Kaepernick out of the league. In May 2018, NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell barred athletes from protesting on the sidelines during the national anthem while granting them the right to remain in the locker room.

 

 

Fans determined to stand in solidarity with Kaepernick boycotted watching football during the 2018 season after all 32 teams refused to give the former San Francisco quarterback a tryout. 

 

 

“We can’t have the inmates running the prison,” said Bob McNair, owner of the Houston Texans.

 

 

“That’s how they look at you. That’s what they think about you,” said Jay-Z in response to McNair’s comment. “We’ve got so much further to go.”

 

 

A massive dip in NFL ratings led Robert Kraft, owner of the New England Patriots, to contact Jay-Z to help repair the NFL’s relationship with Black fans. Jay-Z inked a five-year, $25 million deal with the league to produce the Super Bowl halftime show and to improve the NFL’s social justice agenda.

 

 

Understanding that context is critical in unfolding the symbols in Lamar’s halftime show. It explains the Black rage and call for a televised revolution. It explains the demand for forty acres and a mule along with the continuing dilemma Black people face – gaining access to the 

American Dream while facing battles questioning the credibility of policies protecting diversity, equity and inclusion.

 

 

Those Black bodies forming an American flag responds to punishment for kneeling during the playing of the “Star-Spangled Banner.’ Those bodies are responding to attacks proclaiming Black Lives Matter. They witness the history, legacy and ongoing challenges of Black men and women who built America on their backs and fought for America’s version of democracy with their blood, sweat, tears and lives.

 

 

The powerful presence of Black Uncle Sam evokes a call to stand in defiance to the admonition of severe punishment for failing to follow the rules. It’s a warning not to kneel like Kaepernick. It’s a reminder to place personal success above collective good. It’s a statement involving the benefits of minimizing the importance of Black identity when in the presence of white people confused by your message.

 

 

‘Too loud, too reckless, too ghetto,” Uncle Sam said. “Mr. Lamar, do you really know how to play the game?”

 

 

The selection of songs doesn’t fit. The staging doesn’t fit. The expectation is to make the art entertaining. That’s what Black people do – right. 

 

 

Lamar’s music isn’t created to appease the interest of Donald Trump and other likeminded people in the crowd. His halftime performance isn’t meant to address a universal truth. All of the dancers are Black. All of the lyrics involve Black life and culture. Lamar doesn’t stray from his anti-establishment persona. He offers a unique political agenda rooted in the language of Black revolution.

 

 

“The revolution will be televised,” said Lamar. “You got the right time but the wrong guy.”

 

 

Lamar is not your typical Super Bowl performer. He’s on stage to represent the condition of many Black people living in America. That life involves the ongoing friction between unity and division under the fabric of the red, white and blue.



Uncle Sam reflects Lamar’s self-examination of his role on the world’s biggest stage. 

 

 

“We were wrong for not listening to NFL Players earlier,” Goodell said in a 2020 apology announcing the reversal of the NFL policy after the death of George Floyd.

 

 

Goodell and the 32 owners of NFL teams failed to concede the mind of Black people during a time of immense tension. They expected compromise placing the interest of white fans above the concerns of Black people. They punished resistance and demanded a pledge of allegiance.

 

 

Lamar faced a similar decision. Should he bow due to the threat of a lawsuit for performing “They Not Like Us,” his Grammy award winning diss track? Should he listen to Uncle Sam or give the people what they want.

 

 

Lamar’s Super Bowl LIX performance is the most-watched broadcast in American television history, outdrawing the Apollo 11 moon landing on July 20, 1969 and Michael Jackson’s halftime show from over 30 years ago.

 

 

The more than 150 million viewers experienced more than the artistry of a 22 Grammy Award winning rapper. They witnessed what happens when art intersects with social justice. They received a glimpse of what happens when art is on full display without pressure to fulfill the desire of viewers.

 

 

This halftime show is not about Drake. It’s about what Drake, and many recording artists like Drake, represent. It’s about the ongoing grappling that many Americans face. 

 

 

Should we capitulate and compromise to the demands of the opinions and voices who witness what we do? Or, should we follow the lead of Serena Williams.

 

 

When you know where you came from and what centers your place in the universe, crip walk.

 

 

 

Thursday, November 16, 2023

Howerton's strong leadership deserves another term as chairwoman


(Members of the Durham Board of County Commissioners: Brenda Howerton, Nida Alam, Nimasheena Burns, Heidi Carter and Wendy Jacobs)

COMMENTARY - Members of the Durham Board of County Commissioners will soon vote on their board chair. It’s hard to imagine not extending the services of Brenda Howerton.

The best way to describe Howerton’s work is heroic. Howerton, along with former chair Wendy Jacobs, resuscitated the life back into county government after the exit of former County Manager Wendell Davis. Together, they teamed up to rekindle confidence when the brutal back and forth reminded residents of stories involving the Hatfield and McCoy feud near the Kentucky side of Tug Fork.

Many residents forget the massive tug in the soul of local harmony after Davis accused a member of the board of acts and statements viewed as racist. Residents may remember the disgusting conduct that pitted members of the board against many Black citizens weary of the motives leading to the decision to end a Black man’s career in county government.

People reasoned Davis had to go for not being progressive enough for Durham. A member of the board of education derided his upscale attire. A member of the city council blasted that Black man for spewing a racist trope to degrade Davis.

Howerton stood alone in support of former County Attorney Lowell Siler’s recommendation to employ the services of The Robert Bobb Group, a minority-owned national consulting firm, to help Durham County wiggle out of the mess created by members of the board. Nimasheenda Burns, the other Black woman on the board, sided with those critics and her colleagues on the commission incensed by Bobbs time as an appointed Emergency Financial Manager of the Detroit Public Schools between 2009-2011.

Siler seemed humiliated during the virtual meeting questioning both his leadership and judgement. That moment ended Siler’s public service as county attorney after a stroke. Siler died on Sept. 8.

The board never received the type of consulting recommended by Siler, The International City/County Management Association and the independent investigator hired by the county to consider the actions of both Davis and a member of the board.

Durham County endured the impact of Covid-19. The board faced challenges after members of the Durham County employees racial equity core committee made demands of the board following the end of Davis’s contract.

Members of the Government Alliance on Race and Equity (GARE) cohort outlined a strategy that includes: (1) board members attending racial equity training, (2) improved interpersonal relationships on the board, (3) request that the board “employ racial equity tools to its future decision making processes and future moves to add a racial equity directive as a high level, guiding principle to each of County Government’s five strategic plan goal areas, in order to avoid disparate impacts among not only its managers, but its employees and citizens”, and (4) request that the board engage in an open town hall to address inequity and race relations in Durham and in Durham County Government.”

Durham had to replace its county manager during a time of extreme hostility. Members of the board faced the lingering effects related to the loss of their competent and popular county attorney. The board faced challenges from a community divided on the budget for public education.

Howerton provided strong and consistent leadership. Jacobs relinquished her role as board chair to support Howerton in ways that model unity. Both deserve recognition for shifting the culture within both county government and in Durham County.

We’ve come a long way since the last election. As residents consider the slate of candidates who will file for office over the next 30 days, keep your eyes on who the commissioner selects as the chair.

I seriously recommend staying on track. The Durham locomotive is headed in the right direction thanks to Howerton and Jacobs.

All in favor say Aye



Wednesday, September 20, 2023

No evidence Durham Councilwoman Monique Holsey-Hyman extorted developer for campaign contribution

 

Durham, NC - The fight to prove her innocence comes with thoughts of things taken away.

“I don’t think you understand what it is to get to a point to want to help people for someone to try to take it away in the matter of a minute,” said Durham City Councilwoman Monique Holsey-Hyman during a press conference announcing the end of a probe by the State Bureau of Investigation.

“I was the last person asked what I wanted to do. I was never asked did I do it, did I not do it,” said Holsey-Hyman.

On Tuesday, Durham District Attorney Satana Deberry released a statement clearing Holsey-Hyman of soliciting a bride from Jarrod Edens, a local developer.

The SBI conducted interviews with Mayor Elaine O’Neal, members of the city council and staff. Holsey-Hyman cooperated with the SBI after providing documentation proving her innocence.

“Jarrod Edens, on the other hand, avoided every attempt SA (special agent) Deming made to interview him,” said Deberry in her statement. “Edens did not answer calls nor return messages left by SA Deming."

According to Deming, Edens, who triggered the controversy with a complaint to Sara Young, director of the Durham city-county planning department, lost interest in the investigation after four city council members – Mayor Pro Tem Mark-Anthony Middleton, Javier Cabellero, Jillian Johnson and Leonardo Williams, voted to approve his 192 unit development.

“Nobody ever asked me anything. I knew I didn’t do anything, and I wanted the truth to come out, but I did not want my life to literally be turned upside down,” said Holsey-Hyman.

The same four council members who approved Edens’ project voted to send the developers complaint to the SBI.

“There was a majority vote. The investigation was not at my instigation. The censure was nothing I was going to find on board,” said O’Neal.  “In talking about what we were going to do, I did not say what my position was. I did not think it belonged to me. I did let them know I was not in favor of going to the SBI.”

O’Neal said she recommended hiring an outside attorney to investigate the charges made against Holsey-Hyman.

“As a lawyer, you know, based on the information I had, the alleged facts that I was given, it was pretty much conversations. There were no forensics, there were no reports that were new,” said O’Neal. “It was basically he says, she says and basically phone records. That’s not an extensive investigation in my opinion. A competent attorney could have handled that.”

O’Neal said Holsey-Hyman and Freeman, who is running for mayor against Williams, “have been accused of things that are false, untrue and outward lies.”

She addressed the incident recorded by WRAL-TV at the end of the March 23 city council work session

“Let me first say I was never assaulted. Anyone who spreads that is telling a lie.  I was never assaulted,” O’Neal said. “What I did see when I rounded was the hands of councilman Williams on councilwoman Freeman who was then saying get your hands off of me.”

O’Neal’s version of what happened counters reporting by former IndyWeek reporter Thomsai McDonald.

While in the adjoining room, Freeman threw down the items she was carrying, including a bottle of water, and “went after,” or tried to physically attack Middleton, according to the eyewitness source who asked to remain anonymous,” McDonald reports.

“Instead of landing punches on Middleton, Freeman ended up punching council member Leonardo Williams twice in the face. The eyewitness source says Freeman also struck mayor Elaine O’Neal once in the face when the former judge tried to intervene.”

Antonio R Wood, Sr., pastor of Evans Solid Rock Church for All People in Wake Forest, NC, witnessed the exchange. He says Freeman, Williams, Middleton and O’Neal are the only other people to witness the exchange. The WRAL-TV video shows Wood standing in the doorway during the confrontation between Middleton and Freeman.

“Another woman was about to go back there before the mayor told her to leave,” said Wood. “No punches were thrown. Only person with hands on was Leonardo Williams on Freeman. He claimed she hit him. She didn’t.”

O’Neal said Holsey-Hyman and Freeman endure being tested by fire.

“On that particular day, councilwoman Freeman, it was the last straw. It was as my sister said, the last button on Abraham’s jacket,” said O’Neal. She couldn’t take it anymore.”

Williams released a statement defending his actions after O’Neal gave her version of what happened that night.

“I intervened to stop a physical altercation,” said Williams. “In the process, I put myself in harms way and while unintentional, I was hit, and put my hands up to block further hits.”

There are two versions of what happened between Freeman and Middleton. There’s the version reported in the IndyWeek with an anonymous witness. That version requires accepting the source being Middleton or Williams.

The alternative narrative demands believing Freeman, O’Neal and Wood, the pastor who stood at the door.

The outcome of the upcoming municipal election may be won based on who voters believe isn’t telling the truth.

“It’s gonna be up to the court of public opinion to figure out who’s telling the truth and who’s not,” said O’Neal.  “I don’t have any dogs in this race anymore. I’m not running for office, but I stand to tell you to pay close attention. Believe people when they show you who they really are.”


Tuesday, August 1, 2023

An election is coming, an election is coming: Get ready, get set, vote


COMMENTARY –
The Durham Municipal Election is rapidly approaching with 12 people vying for three city council seats and eight people hoping to become mayor.

Early voting for the municipal primary begins on Sept 21 and ends on Oct 7. The Oct. 10 primary will narrow the field of candidates for city council to six and mayor to two for the Nov 7 general election. Early voting for the general election begins Oct 19 and ends Nov 4.

Durham voters have a lot to consider before casting votes. These candidates for both city council and mayor are a mixture of present council members, former council members, candidates who tried before and lost and people unknown to most residents.

What is the average voter to do beyond gauging who to select based on campaign signs or the endorsement of their favorite political action committee? Most voters are detached from the working of city government beyond the fight recorded by WRAL-TV after a council meeting.

How do you pick from a group you barely know? Who do you trust when what matters most is discussed less than the personal battles defining the work of the city council?

Durham City Council elections take place every two years with the mayor on the ballot every election. At-large council seats are on the ballot this year. Terms for ward seats expire in 2025.

In 2021, voters overwhelming supported Elaine O’Neal to become Durham’s first Black woman to serve as mayor. Her win responded to a call to defund the police. Rev. Mark-Anthony Middleton and DeDreana Freeman were re-elected riding the coattail of O’Neal, a former district and superior court judge. Leonardo Williams, owner with his wife of Zweli, a Zimbabwean cuisine restaurant, defeated A.J. Williams, a 34-year-old community activist, by 300 votes. A.J. Williams lost despite loads of funding and the backing of Durham Beyond Police and Durham for All, grassroots coalitions effective in mobilizing a diverse community of younger residents.

The 2019 election centered Mayor Steve Schewel campaign for affordable housing against Farad Ali, a former member of the city council and CEO of The Institute for Minority Economic Development. Ali advocated for shared economic prosperity.

Jillian Johnson, Charlie Reece and Javiera Caballero, who replaced Schewel after he became mayor in 2017, joined forces to form the Bull City Together Platform as incumbents on the council. Ali endured criticism for his business connections while Johnson, Reece and Caballero were celebrated for promoting a progressive agenda.

History informs the context for the upcoming municipal election. If affordable housing and police funding are the narrative for the previous elections, what’s on the ballot this year?

Civility Matters

The shout heard around the Triangle measures the communal rage felt by many Durham voters. In March, allegations of malfeasance against Councilwoman Monique Holsey-Hyman during a work session carried over to Freeman accusing Mayor Pro Tempore Mark-Anthony Middle of bullying Black women and allegedly accidently striking Councilman Leonardo Williams in the face.

A lack of civility among members on the council impacted O’Neal’s decision not to pursue a second term as mayor. Bickering during council meetings lends credence to no current council member (Williams and Freeman are both campaigning to become mayor) having the ability to effectively facilitate council meetings.

Durham voters should consider the impact of a culture of incivility in voting for mayor. Who among the candidates processes the demeanor essential in managing a crowd of people with opposing perspectives?

It Takes Four Votes

Bearing in mind all the bad related to establishing a coalition like the 2017 Bull City Together Platform, the name of the game is winning four seats on the council. In Durham, the mayor is the symbolic head of the city and a member of the city council but has no executive authority. The city manager oversees the day-to-day operations and implements the policies and manages the budget approved by the council.

When casting your votes, consider how the positions and perspectives of each person align with the rest of the team. The work of the council is not the life of lone rangers. Ideally, they should build together in ways which reflect the general consensus of local residents. They represent voters, not their own views related to what it means to hold a position of power.

Each vote is an affirmation of a collective mission statement. It isn’t a popularity contest.  Each vote signifies how we, as a community, understand and support how infrastructural changes advance or impede the work of our city.

Growth or Slow it Down

Voters should ponder the consequences of growth. Are we building for the people who are coming, or is growth benefiting the people who are already here?

Are we positioning growth in celebration of what Durham has always been – an incredible city with a rich legacy of inclusive prosperity?

We are one of the homes of Black Wall Street - where dreams come true transcendent of race, gender, gender identity, place of origin, religion or past mistakes. Are we building for a future imbedded in the life, culture and witness of what brought us to Durham – what keeps us in Durham? Or, are members of the city council favoring zoning changes and other policies to entice and satisfy the desires of the people who aren’t here?

Before you vote, decide. What is your vision for Durham? Are you willing to accept more growth? If so, at what expense? Who wins when we keep building? Who loses when the growth results in an invasion of richer, white people with limited knowledge of why many people celebrate “Dirty Durham”.

They are welcome to come, but not at the risk of losing our happy home.

Shared Prosperity

Again, considering where we’ve been helps frame where we’re going. Voters rejected Farad Ali in 2017 due to his business connections. The claim that Ali and Joshua Gunn, a former Durham Chamber of Commerce executive and hip-hop recording artist who lost in a bid for city council in 2017, were too business centered missed the mark in fully understanding and affirming the goals of Black and Brown economic mobility and inclusion.

It is problematic to measure Black capitalism using the same constructs as white centered, institutionalized capitalism. Black capitalism is rooted from a place of survival for both individuals and a community massively impacted by the weaponizing of white centered capitalism.

They are not the same thing.

Ali called for the implementation and execution of strategies aimed at facilitating shared prosperity. If voters embrace continued growth coupled with ongoing gentrification, the widening of white versus Black and Brown economic disparity and shifting demographics reflective of more white and fewer Black and Brown residents, are we becoming a community different than what we’ve come to celebrate.

Voters should consider policies which protect our desired image. What is our community brand? How do votes by members of the city council assure the sharing of prosperity? Should we care?

A few things to consider as you prepare for the upcoming primary and subsequent general election.

Next up, a summary of the people running for mayor and city council.


 

Friday, July 21, 2023

Patrick Hannah decides to place family needs above becoming Durham's next mayor


Statement from Patrick Hannah

Dear Family, Friends & Durham Community,

I hope this note finds you well. Thank you for your kind words, encouragement and support over the past 2 weeks. It is with mixed emotions that I write to inform you that I will not be running for Mayor of Durham at this time. While I am deeply committed to serving our community and have a strong desire to contribute to its growth and prosperity, I must prioritize my family responsibilities at this juncture.

Over the years, I have been fortunate to have had numerous opportunities to serve our city, state and nation in various capacities. From my time working at The White House - 

Office of Legal Counsel during the Lewinsky Trial to my role as Chairman of the Raleigh-Durham Airport Authority during a global pandemic. I have been tested and gained invaluable experience in navigating complex policy, legal and administrative matters. These experiences have shaped my understanding of the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead for our city.

As Vice President of the Durham NAACP and a Board Member for the Durham's Partnership for Children, I have witnessed firsthand the importance of community engagement and collaboration in advancing social justice and ensuring the well-being of our youngest citizens. These roles have reinforced my commitment to creating a more inclusive and equitable Durham for all.

During my tenure as a law clerk in the North Carolina Senate - Office of the President Pre-Tem, and as a corporate attorney for a Fortune 70 company, I have gained a deep understanding of the legislative process and the intricacies of corporate governance. These experiences have provided me with a unique perspective on the intersection of public policy and private sector interests, which I believe is crucial for effective leadership in today's world.

Additionally, as a Community Organizer for Voices for Working Families, I dedicated my efforts to creating job opportunities for our community. I firmly believe that a thriving economy is essential for the well-being of our residents, and I have worked diligently to advocate for policies that promote sustainable growth and uplift those who have been marginalized.

Despite my passion for public service and the desire to contribute to the betterment of Durham, my family priorities require my undivided attention. As a dedicated spouse and parent to two children, one with special needs, I must place my family's needs at the forefront for the time being.

Please know that this decision has not been made lightly. It is driven by a deep sense of responsibility and love for my family. However, I remain committed to serving our community in whatever capacity I can, and I will continue to advocate for the issues that matter most to Durham citizens.

I am grateful for the support and encouragement I have received throughout my journey, and I am certain that Durham will continue to thrive under the leadership of dedicated individuals who share a vision for a stronger, more vibrant community. I have no doubt that our city will continue to progress and prosper, and I look forward to playing a role in that future when the time is right.

Thank you for your understanding, and I remain committed to working alongside you to create positive change in Durham.